Mugabe’s “ We are not Gays ” UN Speech: On Risk on Return to Zimbabwe, Would the UK Tribunal still Hold that this is a Rabble –Rousing Distraction ?

The Telegraph reported on 29 September 2015 that, “ Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe strayed from his script in startling fashion on Monday evening, and blurted out: “We are not gays” during his UN General Assembly speech. The 91-year-old used his speech to criticise the UN for its “archaic” organisation which, he argued, excluded the poorest countries. He criticised EU sanctions against his country, and voiced his anger at the Security Council’s failure to represent developing nations. But it was during a section in which he criticised the UN for trying to impose human rights rules on countries that he made the off-the-cuff comments. “We reject the politicisation of this important issue and the application of double standards to victimise those who think and act independently of the self-anointed prefects of our time,” he said. “We equally reject attempts to prescribe ‘new rights’ which are contrary to our values, norms, traditions and beliefs.” He then blurted out: “We are not gays!” Homosexuality is illegal in Zimbabwe, and Mr Mugabe has made no secret of his distain for homosexuals.”

The Country Guidance case of LZ (homosexuals) Zimbabwe CG [2011] UKUT 00487 (IAC) by the Upper Tribunal noted at paragraph 20 of that decision that, “President Mugabe is most vociferous. He has blamed the LBGT community for Africa’s ills and repeatedly denounced its members as “worse than pigs and dogs.”  And at paragraph 103 of their decision, “The public expression of homophobia in Zimbabwe is relatively recent and politically motivated – more of a rabble-rousing distraction”. LZ however concluded among other matters that despite there being much public expression of extreme homophobia at the highest levels in recent years, applying HJ & HT [2010] UKSC 31, [2010] Imm AR 729, there is in Zimbabwe no general risk to gays or lesbians. The Tribunal found that prosecutions are very rare. Lesbianism is not criminalised. Although some homosexuals suffer discrimination, harassment, intimidation, violence and blackmail from the general public and the police, the Upper Tribunal concluded in LZ that there is no general risk. They also concluded that “corrective rape” is rare, and does not represent a general risk. The Tribunal further   considered that GALZ (Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe) had taken a realistic view ie that Zimbabwe is, “not the worst place in the world to be gay or lesbian even though the President, government officials and church leaders have whipped up a climate of hysterical homophobia”.

LZ had sought sought asylum in 2009 in the UK, based on the risk of persecution as a lesbian. Although the outcome in LZ is somewhat restrictive having regard to the reasoning and conclusions therein , LZ’s appeal itself was allowed on refugee grounds on the basis that although the Tribunal find that LZ would be personally discreet in Zimbabwe, by choice, nevertheless, her sexual identity, in the context of her family connections among the Zimbabwean elite, gave rise to a risk. It was considered that there were no findings on this family relationship in the initial Judge’s decision determination. It is not however possible to extract much from the Upper Tribunal’s decision regarding LZ ‘s actual personal circumstances. The Tribunal noted from the start that LZ did not rely only on general risk to homosexuals, or to female homosexuals but that she relied on her unique circumstances – it is however not clear what those unique circumstances are as the Tribunal stated that the   parties had agreed during proceedings that it was not desirable for their decision to make her identity public. The Tribunal thus gave her anonymity and acknowledged that they had not included matters likely to identify her in the main body of their decision.

The remarks made by President Mugabe a few days ago in relation to gay people and those noted   by the Upper Tribunal are not the only ones he has uttered.

On 30 June 2015 , Ibtimes in a news article titled, Zimbabwe President Mugabe Proposes To Obama, Mocks Gay Marriage Supreme Court Decision, stated, “Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe jokingly said he would travel to the White House and propose to U.S. President Barack Obama,…….. “I’ve just concluded since President Obama endorses the same-sex marriage, advocates homosexual people and enjoys an attractive countenance – thus if it becomes necessary, I shall travel to Washington, D.C., get down on my knee and ask his hand,” Mugabe, 91, was quoted as saying by Turkey-based news website AWDnews. Mugabe, who was elected Zimbabwe’s president in 1987, said the United States was run by perverted Satan-worshippers. “I can’t understand how this people dare to defy Christ’s explicit orders as our Lord prohibited mankind from sodomy,” he said, according to AWDnews. The Zimbabwean dictator, who strongly opposes homosexuality, has made countless controversial remarks against the LGBT community in the past. Mugabe, who is also the African Union chairperson, has said that gay people are lower than “pigs, goats and birds” and they should go to “hell,” according to Newsweek.”Let Europe keep their homosexual nonsense there and live with it. We will never have it here. The act [of homosexuality] is not humane,” Mugabe reportedly said in a July 2013 speech to his ruling Zanu PF party supporters. “Any diplomat who talks about homosexuality will be kicked out. There is no excuse and we won’t listen to them.” Homosexuality is barred in Zimbabwe and Mugabe has criticized Obama for encouraging gay rights on the African continent. “We have this American president, Obama, born of an African father, who is saying we will not give you aid if you don’t embrace homosexuality. We ask, was he born out of homosexuality?” Mugabe reportedly said at a 2013 campaign rally”.

LZ considered background evidence only up till 26 September 2011 – on the basis of President Mugabe’s subsequent several anti -gay statements following that decision including most recently and also having regard to relevant recent background evidence,  could this be good enough reason to argue a departure from LZ ?

RELEVANT INTERNATIONAL LAW

The legislative framework to these types of applications/appeals includes international and European Union law including the Refugee Convention and the European Convention on Human Rights and the Council Directive 2004/83/EC.

Article 1A(2) of the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees 1951, as applied by the 1967 Protocol, provides that a refugee is a person who:

“…owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of

race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country…”

Council Directive 2004/83/EC of 29 April 2004 on minimum standards for the qualification and status of third country nationals or stateless persons as refugees or as persons who otherwise need international protection and the content of the protection granted, provides:

“Article 9

Acts of persecution

  1. Acts of persecution within the meaning of article 1 A of the Geneva Convention must:
(a) be sufficiently serious by their nature or repetition as to constitute a severe violation of basic human rights, in particular the rights from which derogation cannot be made under Article 15(2) of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms; or

 

(b) be an accumulation of various measures, including violations of human rights which is sufficiently severe as to affect an individual in a similar manner as mentioned in (a).
  1. Acts of persecution as qualified in paragraph 1, can, inter alia, take the form of:
(a) acts of physical or mental violence, including acts of sexual violence;

 

(b) legal, administrative, police, and/or judicial measures which are in themselves discriminatory or which are implemented in a discriminatory manner;

 

(c) prosecution or punishment, which is disproportionate or discriminatory;

 

(d) denial of judicial redress resulting in a disproportionate or discriminatory punishment;

 

(e) prosecution or punishment for refusal to perform military service in a conflict, where performing military service would include crimes or acts falling under the exclusion clauses as set out in Article 12(2);

 

(f) acts of a gender-specific or child-specific nature.
  1. In accordance with Article 2(c), there must be a connection between the reasons mentioned in Article 10 and the acts of persecution as qualified in paragraph 1”.

“Article 10

Reasons for persecution

  1. Member States shall take the following elements into account when assessing the reasons for persecution:
(a) the concept of race shall in particular include considerations of colour, descent, or membership of a particular ethnic group;

 

(b) the concept of religion shall in particular include the holding of theistic, non-theistic and atheistic beliefs, the participation in, or abstention from, formal worship in private or in public, either alone or in community with others, other religious acts or expressions of view, or forms of personal or communal conduct based on or mandated by any religious belief;

 

(c) the concept of nationality shall not be confined to citizenship or lack thereof but shall in particular include membership of a group determined by its cultural, ethnic, or linguistic identity, common geographical or political origins or its relationship with the population of another State;

 

(d) a group shall be considered to form a particular social group where in particular:

— members of that group share an innate characteristic, or a common background that cannot be changed, or share a characteristic or belief that is so fundamental to identity or conscience that a person should not be forced to renounce it, and

 

— that group has a distinct identity in the relevant country, because it is perceived as being different by the surrounding society;

depending on the circumstances in the country of origin, a particular social group might include a group based on a common characteristic of sexual orientation. Sexual orientation cannot be understood to include acts considered to be criminal in accordance with national law of the Member States: Gender related aspects might be considered, without by themselves alone creating a presumption for the applicability of this Article;

 

(e) the concept of political opinion shall in particular include the holding of an opinion, thought or belief on a matter related to the potential actors of persecution mentioned in Article 6 and to their policies or methods, whether or not that opinion, thought or belief has been acted upon by the applicant.
  1. When assessing if an applicant has a well-founded fear of being persecuted it is immaterial whether the applicant actually possesses the racial, religious, national, social or political characteristic which attracts the persecution, provided that such a characteristic is attributed to the applicant by the actor of persecution”.

SOME RELEVANT CASELAW

HJ (Iran) & HT (Cameroon) v SSHD [2010] UKSC 31  concerned appeals which raised the question as to the test to be applied when considering whether a gay person who is claiming asylum under the Refugee Convention has a well-founded fear of persecution in the country of his nationality based on membership of that particular social group.

Lord Hope said at paragraph 35:

“This brings me to the test that should be adopted by the fact-finding tribunals in this country… It is necessary to proceed in stages.

(a) The first stage, of course, is to consider whether the applicant is indeed gay. Unless he can establish that he is of that orientation he will not be entitled to be treated as a member of the particular social group. But I would regard this part of the test as having been satisfied if the applicant’s case is that he is at risk of persecution because he is suspected of being gay, if his past history shows that this is in fact the case.

(b) The next stage is to examine a group of questions which are directed to what his situation will be on return. This part of the inquiry is directed to what will happen in the future. The Home Office’s Country of Origin report will provide the background. There will be little difficulty in holding that in countries such as Iran and Cameroon gays or persons who are believed to be gay are persecuted and that persecution is something that may reasonably be feared. The question is how each applicant, looked at individually, will conduct himself if returned and how others will react to what he does. Those others will include everyone with whom he will come in contact, in private as well as in public. The way he conducts himself may vary from one situation to another, with varying degrees of risk. But he cannot and must not be expected to conceal aspects of his sexual orientation which he is unwilling to conceal, even from those whom he knows may disapprove of it. If he fears persecution as a result and that fear is well-founded, he will be entitled to asylum however unreasonable his refusal to resort to concealment may be. The question what is reasonably tolerable has no part in this inquiry.

 (c) On the other hand, the fact that the applicant will not be able to do in the country of his nationality everything that he can do openly in the country whose protection he seeks is not the test. As I said earlier (see para 15), the Convention was not directed to reforming the level of rights in the country of origin. So it would be wrong to approach the issue on the basis that the purpose of the Convention is to guarantee to an applicant who is gay that he can live as freely and as openly as a gay person as he would be able to do if he were not returned. It does not guarantee to everyone the human rights standards that are applied by the receiving country within its own territory. The focus throughout must be on what will happen in the country of origin.

(d) The next stage, if it is found that the applicant will in fact conceal aspects of his sexual orientation if returned, is to consider why he will do so. If this will simply be in response to social pressures or for cultural or religious reasons of his own choosing and not because of a fear of persecution, his claim for asylum must be rejected. But if the reason why he will resort to concealment is that he genuinely fears that otherwise he will be persecuted, it will be necessary to consider whether that fear is well founded.

 (e) This is the final and conclusive question: does he have a well-founded fear that he will be persecuted? If he has, the causative condition that Lord Bingham referred to in Januzi v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2006] 2 AC 426, para 5 will have been established. The applicant will be entitled to asylum.

36.It should always be remembered that the purpose of this exercise is toseparate out those who are entitled to protection because their fear of persecution is well founded from those who are not. The causative condition is central to the inquiry. This makes it necessary to concentrate on what is actually likely to happen to the applicant. As Lord Walker says in para 88, the inquiry is directed to what will happen in the future if the applicant is returned to his own country. An approach which disregards what is in fact likely to occur there in the case of the particular applicant is wrong and should not be adopted”

 Lord Rodger said at paragraph 82:

 “When an applicant applies for asylum on the ground of a well-founded fear of persecution because he is gay, the tribunal must first ask itself whether it is satisfied on the evidence that he is gay, or that he would be treated as gay by potential persecutors in his country of nationality.

If so, the tribunal must then ask itself whether it is satisfied on the available evidence that gay people who lived openly would be liable to persecution in the applicant’s country of nationality.

If so, the tribunal must go on to consider what the individual applicant would do if he were returned to that country.

If the applicant would in fact live openly and thereby be exposed to a real risk of persecution, then he has a well-founded fear of persecution – even if he could avoid the risk by living “discreetly”.

If, on the other hand, the tribunal concludes that the applicant would in fact live discreetly and so avoid persecution, it must go on to ask itself why he would do so.

If the tribunal concludes that the applicant would choose to live discreetly simply because that was how he himself would wish to live, or because of social pressures, e g, not wanting to distress his parents or embarrass his friends, then his application should be rejected. Social pressures of that kind do not amount to persecution and the Convention does not offer protection against them. Such a person has no well-founded fear of persecution because, for reasons that have nothing to do with any fear of persecution, he himself chooses to adopt a way of life which means that he is not in fact liable to be persecuted because he is gay.

If, on the other hand, the tribunal concludes that a material reason for the applicant living discreetly on his return would be a fear of the persecution which would follow if he were to live openly as a gay man, then, other things being equal, his application should be accepted. Such a person has a well-founded fear of persecution. To reject his application on the ground that he could avoid the persecution by living discreetly would be to defeat the very right which the Convention exists to protect – his right to live freely and openly as a gay man without fear of persecution. By admitting him to asylum and allowing him to live freely and openly as a gay man without fear of persecution, the receiving state gives effect to that right by affording the applicant a surrogate for the protection from persecution which his country of nationality should have afforded him”.

SOME BACKGROUND EVIDENCE AFTER LZ

The contentious issue in LZ appeared to be the lack of supporting background evidence to support the arguments regarding the general risk of persecution of gays in Zimbabwe.

The Tribunal in LZ noted at paragraphs   34 of their decision, that GALZ at interview said that they were not aware of any cases of consenting adults prosecuted for sodomy in 2009, 2010 or 2011. At paragraph 35 of their decision, it was noted that ZLHR were similarly not aware of any convictions for sodomy in 2009, 2010 or 2011. They were aware of threats of arrest being used regularly to harass homosexual men and women.   At paragraph 41 of their decision, the Tribunal observed that Zimbabwe has a lively press, although largely subservient to President Mugabe. There were active human rights organisations which follow gay and lesbian issues, and publish reports. The Tribunal stated that if consensual homosexual conduct was being prosecuted, even in the lower courts with minimal penalties, they considered that there would have been some press reporting, and that organisations like GALZ and ZLHR would know about it. It was noted the other sources before the Tribunal including the US State Department Country Report, consistently stated that there have been no recent prosecutions of consensual homosexual conduct. To the Tribunal, the only conclusion sensibly available was that such conduct is not prosecuted to any meaningful extent. At paragraph 49 of their decision, the Tribunal noted murders with a homophobic element may of course occur in Zimbabwe, and may not appear as such in any public record. It was stated that neither party referred the Tribunal to any evidence of such events and the Tribunal had nothing to support the proposition that this is a real risk to homosexuals of either gender. At paragraph 58 of their decision the Tribunal stated that from the references made to the sources before them, their assessment is that “corrective rape” was rare. The Tribunal accepted that it did happen, and of its nature must often be a hidden crime, but it did not represent a real risk to homosexuals of either gender. At paragraph 72 of their decision, the Tribunal noted that at the end of 2004 there were 9 different regional groups or associations affiliated with GALZ. There was no evidence that any of these regional groups subsequently ceased to function. It followed that in these nine towns or cities there are some, although perhaps limited, opportunities for homosexuals to meet and socialise – Bulawayo; Chipinge; Chitungwiza; Marondera; Masvingo; Mutare; Penhalonga; and Victoria Falls. The Tribunal also noted at paragraph 82 of their decision that GALZ is a long established organisation, with nine affiliated organisations across Zimbabwe, whose existence is tolerated. If a lesbian is willing to join the organisation (which can be done on line without visiting Harare) GALZ is able to provide some support to her, including practical support in providing access to lawyers (through ZLHR), and to doctors and clinics which are not homophobic.

It has been several years since LZ was notified and as such references will be made to some readily available recent background evidence below to see whether the Tribunal’s assessment and reasoning having regard to current background evidence could possibly remain the same:

“The Zimbabwean government should immediately stop persecuting members of Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ), Human Rights Watch said today in a letter to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and President Robert Mugabe. On August 20, 2012, police officers entered and occupied the offices of GALZ in Harare for six hours, producing a warrant only after the GALZ lawyers demanded it. They confiscated documents, advocacy materials, and computers. GALZ advocates for the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in Zimbabwe. “This latest police raid on the country’s leading LGBT group shows the government’s intolerance of the rights of Zimbabwe’s sexual and gender minorities,” said Monica Tabengwa, LGBT researcher at Human Rights Watch. “By intimidating and harassing members of GALZ, the authorities are violating their rights to freedom of expression and association.” In the past decade, Zimbabwean authorities have intensified attacks against members of GALZ including intimidation, arbitrary arrests, and beatings. Mugabe, in office since 1980, has been at the forefront of anti-gay harassment, repeatedly using his office to insult and denigrate gay and lesbian Zimbabweans. He has vowed not to allow the inclusion of LGBT rights in Zimbabwe’s new constitution, which is being drafted”- 27 August 2012 Zimbabwe: End Attacks on LGBT People, https://www.hrw.org/news/2012/08/27/zimbabwe-end-attacks-lgbt-people

“Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe on July 5 said authorities should arrest gays and lesbians who don’t conceive children. “I should like to shut them-up in some room and see if they get pregnant; if they don’t then it’s jail because they have claimed they can have children,” the tabloid New Zimbabwe quoted Mugabe as saying during a rally in Harare, the country’s capital, at which he unveiled the platform of his party, ZANU-PF, ahead of the African nation’s July 31 elections. “So, to that kind of rot, we say no, no, no, no!” The tabloid further reported that Mugabe criticized the Anglican Church for blessing same-sex marriages. The Zimbabwean Broadcasting Corporation noted Mugabe also blasted President Obama’s support of nuptials for gays and lesbians. “Obama said he wished that we in Africa accepted gay marriages,” Mugabe said. “Parents, tell your children that we are against gay marriage.” ,8 July 2013, Zimbabwe president: Arrest gays who don’t conceive children – See more at: http://www.washingtonblade.com/2013/07/08/zimbabwe-president-arrest-gays-who-dont-conceive-children/#sthash.c2Zrq1tN.dpuf

“Harare, February 22, 2014 – Zimbabwean authorities have stepped up their antipathy towards the activities of gays and lesbians after summoning the leader of the Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ) to stand trial Monday on charges of running an “unregistered” organisation. Police recently served summons on GALZ chairperson Martha Tholanah to appear in court 5 at Harare Magistrates Court where her trial is scheduled to commence… Human rights groups fear that by pressing ahead with the prosecution of the GALZ leader even though the High Court recently exempted GALZ from registering under the PVO Act,  representatives of the National Prosecuting Authority could be abusing their powers and bend on persecuting gays and lesbians in Zimbabwe. President Robert Mugabe and his Zanu PF party supporters are infamous for their anti-homosexual stance. Mugabe has described gays and lesbians as “worse than pigs and dogs” while in recent years, GALZ has been banned from participating at some of the country’s high profile fairs and meetings”. 22 February 2014, Zim Authorities Target GALZ In Renewed Judicial Persecution, http://www.radiovop.com/index.php/national-news/10637-zim-authorities-target-galz-in-renewed-judicial-persecution.html

“BULAWAYO – A 22-year-old man who allegedly stabbed a gay for proposing love to him has been acquitted by a Bulawayo court. Bongani Phiri was appearing before regional magistrate Sikhumbuzo Nyathi facing attempted murder charges. Phiri, who pleaded not guilty to the charges, indicated during his defence that he was constantly being nagged and harassed by the complainant Walter Kwanele Ndlovu over a relationship. “According to the complainant, Phiri, behaved like a gay and had submitted that the latter would sometimes caress him without his consent. Before passing his verdict, magistrate Nyathi cited among other issues the contradiction and inconsistencies of evidence put forward by the State and that of the witnesses. Since Phiri was being charged for attempted murder, Nyathi said he was not satisfied that he had an intention to kill when he committed the alleged crime. With regard to the nature of the case, Nyathi also admitted that issues pertaining to homosexuality in Zimbabwe were controversial. “In Zimbabwe, the issue of homosexuality is a controversial one to such extent that it has drawn into the fray, the highest office in the country. Some people are known to hold strong views on homosexuality,” he said. As a result Nyathi, found Phiri not guilty. According to the State papers, on October 26, last year at around 10pm outside a shebeen in Nguboyenja suburb, the two engaged in an argument after Phiri accused Ndlovu of being gay. The altercation got nastier which led to Phiri drawing an okapi knife from his pocket before stabbing the complainant on the upper left part of the chest. The complainant sustained a deep cut and had to be ferried to a hospital”, 26 March 2014, Gay Stabber Acquitted, http://www.dailynews.co.zw/articles/2014/03/26/gay-stabber-acquitted?

“MDC-T councillor for Harare’s Ward 33 (Budiriro) Sydney Chirombe, who was allegedly caught having sex with another man last week, yesterday said the State’s case against him was weak because the medical affidavit did not indicate any anal penetration. Chirombe (49) is facing a sodomy charge following his arrest last week in Willowvale where he was allegedly having sex with Joseph Muchena (23) in a car. The two appeared before Harare magistrate Mr Milton Serima jointly charged with sodomy. Prosecutor Ms Sharon Mashavira opposed a bail application by Chirombe’s lawyer, Mr Shadreck Chisoko.“The accused were apprehended while committing the offence although they are yet to be convicted their presumption of innocence falls away….. Ms Mashavira alleges that at around 2:30am on May 15, a police patrol unit in Glen Norah approached a Toyota Noah (ACH 7644) parked on Godwin Road in Willowvale, and found Chirombe sodomising Muchena on the front passenger seat. A half-naked Chirombe allegedly tried to flee from the scene but was arrested.”. 22 May 2014, Sodomy Pair Remanded in Custody, http://www.zimbabwesituation.org/?p=39559

“22 year-old Joseph Muchena and Sydney Chirombe aged 49 years had been on trial since early July on charges of committing sodomy in contravention of Section 73 of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act Chapter 9:23. State prosecutors claimed that Muchena, who was represented by Kennedy Masiye of Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights and Chirombe, who was represented by Shadreck Chisoko acted unlawfully when the two men allegedly performed anal sexual intercourse on 15 May 2014 while in a vehicle parked along Godwin road in Willowvale industrial area in Harare.But Muchena and Chirombe on Monday 28 July 2014 walked to freedom after being acquitted at the close of the State case by Harare Magistrate Renika Dzikiti who ruled that there was no evidence produced in court to prove an essential element of the offence”   28 July 2014, Court acquits duo accused of sodomy http://www.thezimbabwean.co/2014/07/court-acquits-duo-accused-of/

“The young man gathered himself and with difficulty said he thought he had contracted a sexually transmitted disease. As he removed his pants in front of the nurse, she shouted: “I knew when you entered that something is wrong with you! Are you a man or a woman?” Stunned, Tavira pulled up his pants, walked out of the room and never went back. This wasn’t the first time he was treated this way.“I, like every other gay person, has to give in to a lot of insults and degrading inhuman utterances every day,” Tavira confides after relating the recent incident. He is open about his sexuality and the discrimination he faces at the hands of health personnel in Zimbabwe. For Zimbabwe’s LGBTI community, disclosing one’s sexual orientation is a major barrier to getting accurate, appropriate and relevant medical treatment. Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (Galz) is an organisation that works to protect the interests of this minority group in the country. Its programmes manager Samuel Matsikure highlighted that as Zimbabwe’s leadership has openly denounced homosexuality, discrimination and stigma against the LGBTI community goes unpunished and will take a long time to uproot. President Robert Mugabe has made it clear that homosexuality will never find a place in Zimbabwe……This state-endorsed homophobia has made it difficult for Galz to get HIV and Aids prevention messages out to its 2100 members and the LGBTI community at large, who face a backlash from government and society and receive no support from public health institutions. About 15% of Zimbabwe’s adult population is living with HIV and Aids. There is currently no data available on the LGBTI community specifically. “The hostile environment the gay community is exposed to, especially at health facilities in the country, has impacted negatively on their rights to basic services such as health,” Matsikure said. “Some have been keeping sexually transmitted infections for six to eight months without seeking help.”“Such discrimination and stigma at the highest level makes our lives difficult and we remain a secretive and isolated community always fearing for our lives,” Tavira added”. 7 October 2014, Zimbabwe: The LGBTI community’s struggle for healthcare access http://voicesofafrica.co.za/zimbabwe-lgbti-communitys-struggle-healthcare-access/

“LGBT individuals reported widespread societal discrimination based on sexual orientation. In response to social pressure, some families reportedly subjected their LGBT members to “corrective” rape and forced marriages to encourage heterosexual conduct. Such crimes rarely were reported to police. Women in particular were subjected to rape by male family members. LGBT persons often left school at an early age due to discrimination and had higher rates of unemployment and homelessness. Many persons who identified themselves as LGBT did not seek medical care for sexually transmitted diseases or other health problems due to fear that health providers would shun them…” Zimbabwe 2014, Human Rights Report, US Department of State, www.state.gov/documents/organization/236634.pdf

“Two prisoners who were allegedly sodomising each other, made so much noise that they woke up another prisoner, who caught them red-handed in the act. Christopher Jani (36) allegedly had “noisy” sex with his alleged male lover Mbonisi Ncube (28) in a cell at around 3am on 3 March.Another prisoner, Edgar Majasi, allegedly woke up after hearing “high pitched sounds of delight” as the pair had sex and removed a blanket with which the “lovebirds” had covered themselves. Majasi, who said he was disgusted by what he saw, reported the matter to prison officials who forwarded a report to the police leading to the duo’s arrest. Jani and Ncube appeared before magistrate Tancy Dube facing a charge of sodomy. They were not asked to plead and they were remanded in custody to March 30. However, they denied having sex saying Majasi only found them sharing a blanket” – 18 March 2015, Prisoners caught red-handed in sodomy act http://bulawayo24.com/index-id-news-sc-national-byo-64616.html

“A former Zimbabwean civil servant is reportedly challenging his dismissal from his job after he was arrested for allegedly attending a gay party at a hotel in Bulawayo. The man, Raymond Sibanda, was arrested together with many others after police raided a Gays and Lesbians’ Association of Zimbabwe (Galz) end of year party in December 2013, according to a New Zimbabwe.com report…….Sibanda has since moved to file an application at a labour court in Bulawayo, challenging his dismissal, according to the state-owned Chronicle newspaper. He argued, among other things, that being present at the hotel at the same time as the Galz event did not mean he was part of it. Sibanda cited the Minister of Youth, Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment, Patrick Zhuwawo and the Civil Service Commission (CSC) as the respondents. “The respondents alleged that I was associated with gays, but the supreme law of the country, which is the Constitution under section 58, states that every person has freedom of assembly and association,” Sibanda argued. “Are the respondents therefore claiming that I was not supposed to be at Windermere Hotel just because there was a Galz party being hosted there?” But the respondents maintained Sibanda’s conduct was tantamount to tarnishing the image of government. They also said the decision by the disciplinary committee to fire Sibanda followed adequate evidence linking him to the alleged offence”.25 September 2015, Zimbabwe civil servant fights dismissal after being arrested at gay party, http://www.timeslive.co.za/africa/2015/09/25/Zimbabwe-civil-servant-fights-dismissal-after-being-arrested-at-gay-party

CONSIDERATION AND CONCLUSION

The Upper Tribunal in LZ, did say that personal circumstances place some gay men and lesbians at risk. Although not decisive on its own, being openly gay may increase risk. A positive HIV/AIDS diagnosis may be a risk factor. Gay rights activists and other persons who openly campaign for gay rights in Zimbabwe face the risk of arbitrary arrests by the police, and the harassment by state agents.   As regards fear of ill-treatment by non-state actors, the Upper Tribunal in LZ found that the police and other state agents do not provide protection.

There may be a paucity of background evidence as regards actual convictions for acts of sodomy between consenting adults, however there are indeed meaningful prosecutions as per the background evidence in relation to acts of sodomy between consenting adults and indeed sometimes a mere perception of being gay  is enough to be subjected to discriminatory behavior. As regards the suggestions that GALZ can provide support to gay people, the background evidence after the decision in LZ shows the persecution of the group itself. In combination with prosecution of consenting adults for sodomy as well as President Mugabe’s repeated anti – gay statements over the years, this belies GALZ’ s statements of 2011 that Zimbabwe is not the worst place in the world to be gay.

The Tribunal in LZ also noted at paragraph 86 of their decision a BBC news item of 24 October 2011 which stated that the then Zimbabwe’s Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai had reversed his position on gay rights, saying he now wanted them enshrined in a new constitution. He had told the BBC that gay rights were a “human right” that conservative Zimbabweans should respect. At paragraph 88 of their decision, the Tribunal in LZ stated that they recognised that in making this a public issue, Mr Tsvangirai’s words may have the short term effect of provoking even more homophobic rhetoric, however they thought it also showed the underlying reality that the general public is not as hostile to homosexuals as the President’s political bombast suggested. The Tribunal stated that the news item had not altered their conclusions, but it tended to reinforce them. General elections were however  held in Zimbabwe on 31 July 2013. Robert Mugabe, was re-elected as President however the elections ended the inclusive government between Robert Mugabe’s Zanu PF party and Morgan Tsvangirai’s Movement for Democratic Change, MDC.  Mr Tsvangirai is no longer Prime Minister in Zimbabwe.

The situation in Zimbabwe may be argued to be indeed hostile towards people of gay orientation having regard to the recent background evidence and rather than being a mere rabble-rousing rouse, in combination,   President Mugabe’s recent statement only makes stronger the argument that the case of LZ should  no longer be followed on issues of general risk.

Somalians and Protection:ECHR Gives Great Weight to UK Upper Tribunal ‘s Assessment of Risk On Return To Somalia

Somalians seeking to resist return  to Somalia may seek to rely on several heads of protection  such as upon the Refugee Convention, Article 3 of the ECHR, Humanitarian Protection and any relevant exceptional personal circumstances.

In the Upper Tribunal in MOJ & Ors (Return to Mogadishu) Somalia CG 2014, UKUT 00442(IAC)   the issues were whether the current situation in Mogadishu was such as to entitle nationals of Somalia whose home area is Mogadishu or whose proposed area of relocation is Mogadishu to succeed in their claims for refugee status, humanitarian protection status under Article 15(c) or protection against refoulment under Articles 3 or 2 of the ECHR solely on the basis that they are civilians and do not have powerful actors in a position to afford them adequate protection.  The Upper Tribunal in MOJ 2014 however did not consider the position of clans(including minority clans/groups)  in southern and northern outside of Mogadishu. The Upper Tribunal in their decision sought to narrow the categories of those persons who might be considered at risk on return to Somalia and the European Court of Human Rights, has this month sought to place considerable weight upon the case of MOJ 2014 in concluding that a Somali woman aged 26 would not be at risk on return having regard to Article 3 of the ECHR in the case of R.H v Sweden 4601/14 notified on 10 September 2015.

POSSIBLE HEADS OF CLAIM

(1)Asylum Claim -Majority and Minority Clan Groups:

A person may fear ill- treatment by non- actors on account of a person’s membership of a majority clan or minority group.

The Upper Tribunal in MOJ 2014, however  stated at paragraph 77 of their judgement, ” Perhaps good indication of the very real change that has taken place in Mogadishu is that some commentators when referring to a “minority clan” now base that not on ethnicity but the fact of the clan being in a numerical minority in a particular area, despite its status as a majority clan on a national basis. It is clear that there have been very significant population movements in Somalia in recent years “.

The Tribunal in MOJ 2014  held  that the significance of clan membership in Mogadishu had changed. Clans now provide, potentially, social support mechanisms and assist with access to livelihoods, performing less of a protection function than previously. There are no clan militias in Mogadishu, no clan violence, and no clan based discriminatory treatment, even for minority clan members.  On the basis of MOJ 2014, minority clan/group members are unlikely to face persecution on the basis of their ethnic or social group alone in Mogadishu.

The Home Office however  still leave room for consideration of claims based on fear of return based on clan membership in their Country Information and Guidance, South and Central Somalia: Majority Clans and Minority Groups- March 2015.    The Guidance clarifies  that the four  ‘noble’ (majority), clans are the  Darod, Hawiye, Isaaq, and Dir, while two further clans, the Digil and Mirifle, (also collectively referred to as Rahannweyn)  take an intermediate position between the main clans and the minority groups.

Minority  groups are considered to comprise of ethnic and religious minorities and occupational/out-caste groups. The latter are of the same ethnicity as members of the majority clans. Ethnic and religious minorities include the urban coastal  communities of the Benadir region(the Reer Hamar, Barawani-also known as Reer Brava or Bravanese-and the Bajuni) and the Bantu. Occupational and out-caste groups include members of the  Tumal, Midgan and Yibir.  Members of majority clans can be considered minorities where they live in an area  mainly populated by other majority clans.

The Home Office Guidance clarifies that while there have been reports of clashes between majority clans, country information does not indicate that there is widespread discrimination of majority clans because of their ethnicity/clan alone. It is therefore unlikely that any Somali belonging to one of the majority  clan families( Hawiye, Darood Dir and Isaaq)- or immediate clan groups or associated sub-clans- is able to demonstrate that they have a well founded fear  of ill treatment on return on their basis of their clan affiliation alone.

The Guidance  also states that  country information generally indicates that members of minority groups are likely to face political, social, economic and judicial discrimination, and human rights abuses including harassment and violence, killings and torture, rape, kidnapping for ransoms, and looting of land and property which in some circumstances may amount to persecution, however each case should be considered on its own taking into account a person’s personal circumstances. The Home Office consider that there is existing case-law that considers the position of minority groups and remains relevant  to assessing cases for groups particularly those outside Mogadishu, however that caselaw is based on country information up to 2005/2006 and so does not take into account recent changes in the country’s  human rights situation and in clan dynamics. The Home Office consider that whether a person from a minority group is at risk of persecution in areas outside of Mogadishu will depend on the minority group to which the person belongs; their ability to obtain protection and/ or support from a dominant clan; the area to which they are returning and their individual circumstances.

The Guidance considers that as regards minority groups who become Internally Displaced Persons(IDP) in any part of south and central Somalia and who have no choice but to live in an IDP camp are likely  to be at real risk of persecution on the basis of their social group or ethnic origin and are likely to qualify  for asylum. This is because they may face discrimination and various human rights violations including economic exploitation, extortion, forced labour, harassment and forced evictions which amounts to persecution. This particularly applies to  single women or a woman who is head of a household who may also be liable to gender-based violence and trafficking.

The Home Office also accept that minority group women without family or clan support or a real prospect of securing access to a livelihood are in general, likely to be at real risk on return and are likely to qualify for asylum. This is because women from minority groups  have experienced gender- based violence, rape, domestic violence, robbery, exploitation and economic discrimination. Crimes against women especially amongst women from minority groups are often perpetrated with impunity and women and girls  from minority groups and clans suffer a lack of access to justice, due process and clan protection.

The Home Office Guidance also sets out  issues in relation to internal relocation.  Internal relocation to Mogadishu and other areas of south and central Somalia not controlled by Al Shabab may be a viable option depending on the facts of the case. Relocation to Mogadishu for a person who has no clan or family support, not in receipt of remittances from abroad and who has no real prospect of securing access to a livelihood in the city, is however likely to be unreasonable. Internal relocation to areas controlled by Al Shabab will not generally be viable.  Internal relocation to Somaliland and Puntland will only be viable for former residents and members of locally based minority groups.

(2)Asylum Claim – Imputed political opinion- Fear of Forcible recruitment by Al Shabab or Association with Al Shabab:

AMM and others found that on the assumption that Al-Shabab’s likely behaviour towards those who transgress its rules is as found in their determination, the position is as “extreme” as the factual basis in RT (Zimbabwe) [2010] EWCA Civ 1285. In the light of RT, a person from an Al-Shabab area who can show they do not genuinely adhere to Al-Shabab’s ethos will have a good claim to Refugee Convention protection, once outside Somalia (subject to internal relocation and exclusion clause issues), regardless of whether the person could and would “play the game”, by adhering to Al-Shabab’s rules

The Tribunal in MOJ 2014 however subsequently found in particular, that a claimant will not be at real risk simply on account of having lived in a European location for a period of time of being viewed with suspicion either by the authorities as a possible supporter of Al Shabaab or by Al Shabaab as an apostate or someone whose Islamic integrity has been compromised by living in a Western country. The Upper Tribunal found that there had been durable change in the sense that the Al Shabaab withdrawal from Mogadishu was complete and there was no real prospect of a re-established presence within the city. There was no real risk of forced recruitment to Al Shabaab for civilian citizens of Mogadishu, including for recent returnees from the West.

(3)Asylum Claim – Women and Gender Based Persecution:

The Home Office Country Information and Guidance , Somalia: Women fearing Gender -Based Harm/Violence , February 2015,  accepts that women in  Somalia form a particular social group within the meaning of the 1951 UN Refugee Convention. This because they share an  immutable( or innate) characteristic  – their gender- that cannot be changed, and they form a distinct group in society as evidenced by widespread  discrimination in their fundamental rights.

The Upper  Tribunal in AMM and Others (conflict; Humanitarian crisis; returnees; FGM) Somalia CG 2011 ,UKUT 000445 (IAC)  found the incidence of Female Genital Mutilation(FGM ) in Somalia as universally agreed to be over 90%. The societal requirement for any girl or woman to undergo  FGM is strong. In general an uncircumcised, unmarried woman up to the age of 39 will be at real risk of suffering FGM. The risk will be greatest in cases where both parents are in favour of FGM. Where both are opposed, the question of whether the risk will reach the requisite level will need to be determined by reference to the extent to which the parents are likely to be able to withstand the strong societal pressures. Unless the parents are from a socio-economic economic background that is likely to distance from mainstream social attitudes, or there is some other particular feature of their case, the fact of parental opposition may well as a general matter be incapable of eliminating the real risk to the daughter that others(particularly relatives) will at some point inflict FGM on her.

The February 2015 Home Office Guidance clarifies there is generalised and widespread discrimination towards women in Somalia. Sexual and gender- based violence including domestic violence, rape, sexual abuse exploitation and trafficking is widespread and committed with impunity by a range of actors including government security forces, members of armed opposition groups, militias, family and community actors and AMISOM peacekeepers.

The Guidance also states that women and girls  in Al- Shabab areas also face serious risks of being abducted and raped by Al- Shabab and forced into marriage with Al – Shabab fighters. They can also be forced to  work for All – Shabab as cleaners, cooks and porters. In some cases, girls have been used as suicide bombers as well. Female returnees  in particular face threats against the person in IDP camps, where the Somali National Police Force  are unable to provide protection, especially those belonging to minority clans. Further, women travelling without male friends or relatives are in general likely to face a real  risk of sexual violence as per paragraph  605 of AMM and others. Women who are without family/friends/clan connections or without resources are in general likely to be at risk of sexual and gender based violence on return. Factors to be taken into account include access to family support networks or clan protection and support, age, heath, economic status, family responsibilities, connection with the diaspora and other individual circumstances of the person.

The Home Office Guidance states that FGM is almost universally practised throughout Somalia and a very strong cultural belief persists in its practise.

As regard protection issues, the Guidance states that in south and central Somalia(including Mogadishu)  effective system protection is in general unlikely to be available for women fearing sexual or gender based violence. The situation may be otherwise in Somaliland and Puntland where an assessment of whether effective protection is available needs to be considered in relation to the particular circumstances and profile of the person. Internal relocation to Mogadishu to avoid risk from gender based violence may be viable in some cases. Somaliland and Puntland in general only accept back persons who were former residents of those regions and are members of locally based clans or sub-clans. The practise is stated to be declining in Somaliland and Puntland and a woman may be less  likely to be at risk of being forced to undergo such a procedure there. The Guidance acknowledges that a woman who demonstrates a real risk or reasonable likelihood of ill-treatment  on return to Somalia on account of their gender and  who is also able to show that she is   unable to secure effective protection or relocate elsewhere in Somalia to escape that risk will qualify for asylum.

(4) Article 3 of the ECHR and Humanitarian Protection:

A claimant may resist removal  to Somalia on the basis that there is a general humanitarian or security situation in Somalia so severe as to make removal a breach of Article  3 of the ECHR.  Article 3 states, ” No one shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment”.   Removal may give rise to an issue under Article 3 of the ECHR where substantial grounds have been shown for believing that the person concerned if removed would face a real risk of being subjected to treatment contrary  to Article 3.

A claim may also be submitted on the basis that the security situation in Somalia presents a real risk which threatens life or person such that removal would be in breach of Article 15(c) of European Council Directive 2004/83/C of 29 April 2004 ( the “Qualification Directive”). Since 9 October 2006, UK legislation and policy on Humanitarian Protection has reflected the subsidiary protection provisions of Articles 15-19 of the Qualification Directive. Subsidiary protection is intended to be complementary and additional to the protection available in the Refugee Protection. It is only if the person does not qualify under the Refugee Convention that an assessment  needs to be made of the need for protection firstly under Article 3 of the ECHR and if that is unsuccessful, under Article15(C) of the Qualification Directive, ie claim for Humanitarian Protection.

Humanitarian Protection as set out under paragraph 339C of the Immigration Rules is commonly referred to as ‘subsidiary protection’, and is defined under Article 15 of the Qualification Directive.

Article 2(e) of the Qualification Directive provides;

“For the purposes of this Directive:

………..(e) ‘person eligible for subsidiary protection’ means a third country national…. who does not qualify as a refugee but in respect of whom substantial grounds have been shown for believing that the person concerned, if returned to his or her country of origin, … would face a real risk of suffering serious harm as defined in article 15, … and is unable, or, owing to such risk,unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country.”

Article 15 provides of the Qualification Directive provides ;

“Serious harm

Serious harm consists of

(a) death penalty or execution; or

(b) torture or inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment of an applicant in the country of origin; or

(c) serious and individual threat to a civilian’s life or person by reason of indiscriminate violence in situations of international or internal armed conflict”

European and domestic caselaw has established the interpretation of Article15(C), firstly in the Court of Justice of the European Union, in Elgafaji  2009 EUECJC-465-07, secondly in the Court of Appeal, in QD(Iraq) v SSHD 2009 EWCA Civ  620 and in the summaries of the correct legal position as set out in the Upper Tribunal Country Guidance cases of HM and Others, (Article 15(C) Iraq CG 2012 UKUT 00409 (IAC): AMM and Others(conflict; humanitarian crisis; returnees; FGM) Somalia CG 2011 UKUT 00445(IAC) and AK( Article 15(c) Afghanistan CG (2012) UKUT 163).

On assessing whether the general security situation may breach Article 15c, the case-law of QD (Iraq) v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2009] EWCA Civ 620, held at parpgah 36 of the judgement that whilst there is no need for an internal armed conflict to be ‘exceptional’ in its nature for 15c to be breached, what is required is an intensity of indiscriminate violence ‘which will self-evidently not characterise every such situation and which is great enough to meet the test set out in Elgafagi.’

QD Iraq summarises at paragraph 40 of its judgement:

“We would put the critical question, in the light of the Directive, of the ECJ’s recent jurisprudence and of our own reasoning, in this way:

Is there in Iraq or a material part of it such a high level of indiscriminate violence that substantial grounds exist for believing that an applicant such as QD or AH would, solely by being present there, face a real risk which threatens his life or person?”.

The two questions referred to the ECJ in Elgafaji  2009 EUECJC-465-07 by the Dutch Raad van State (council of state) were these:

“1. Is Article 15(c) of [the Directive] to be interpreted as offering protection only in a situation in which Article 3 of the [ECHR], as interpreted in the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, also has a bearing, or does Article 15(c), in comparison with Article 3 of the [ECHR], offer supplementary or other protection?

  1. If Article 15(c) of the Directive, in comparison with Article 3 of the [ECHR], offers supplementary or other protection, what are the criteria in that case for determining whether a person who claims to be eligible for subsidiary protection status runs a real risk of serious and individual threat by reason of indiscriminate violence within the terms of Article 15(c) of the Directive, read in conjunction with Article 2(e) thereof?”

The Court held, that “it is article 15(b) of the Directive which corresponds, in essence, to article 3 of the ECHR”. It continued (§28):

“By contrast, article 15(c) of the Directive is a provision, the content of which is different from that of article 3 of the ECHR, and the interpretation of which must, therefore, be carried out independently, although with due regard for fundamental rights, as they are guaranteed under the ECHR.”

The Court went on to address the question whether article 15(c) required proof of a threat directed at the individual applicant, and, if not, what was the correct test. It said:

“31 In order to reply to those questions, it is appropriate to compare the three types of ‘serious harm’ defined in Article 15 of the Directive, which constitute the qualification for

subsidiary protection, where, in accordance with Article 2(e) of the Directive, substantial grounds have been shown for believing that the applicant faces ‘a real risk of [such] harm’ if returned to the relevant country.

 32 In that regard, it must be noted that the terms ‘death penalty’, ‘execution’ and ‘torture or inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment of an applicant in the country of origin’, used in Article 15(a) and (b) of the Directive, cover situations in which the applicant for subsidiary protection is specifically exposed to the risk of a particular type of harm.

 33 By contrast, the harm defined in Article 15(c) of the Directive as consisting of a ‘serious and individual threat to [the applicant’s] life or person’ covers a more general risk of harm.

34 Reference is made, more generally, to a ‘threat … to a civilian’s life or person’ rather than to specific acts of violence. Furthermore, that threat is inherent in a general situation of ‘international or internal armed conflict’. Lastly, the violence in question which gives rise to that threat is described as ‘indiscriminate’, a term which implies that it may extend to people irrespective of their personal circumstances.

 35 In that context, the word ‘individual’ must be understood as covering harm to civilians irrespective of their identity, where the degree of indiscriminate violence characterising the armed conflict taking place – assessed by the competent national authorities before which an application for subsidiary protection is made, or by the courts of a Member State to which a decision refusing such an application is referred – reaches such a high level that substantial grounds are shown for believing that a civilian, returned to the relevant country or, as the case may be, to the relevant region, would, solely on account of his presence on the territory of that country or region, face a real risk of being subject to the serious threat referred in Article 15(c) of the Directive.

36 That interpretation, which is likely to ensure that Article 15(c) of the Directive has its own field of application, is not invalidated by the wording of recital 26 in the preamble to the Directive, according to which ‘[r]isks to which a population of a country or a section of the population is generally exposed do normally not create in themselves an individual threat which would qualify as serious harm’.

37 While that recital implies that the objective finding alone of a risk linked to the general situation in a country is not, as a rule, sufficient to establish that the conditions set out in Article 15(c) of the Directive have been met in respect of a specific person, its wording nevertheless allows – by the use of the word ‘normally’ – for the possibility of an exceptional situation which would be characterised by such a high degree of risk that substantial grounds would be shown for believing that that person would be subject individually to the risk in question.

 38 The exceptional nature of that situation is also confirmed by the fact that the relevant protection is subsidiary, and by the broad logic of Article 15 of the Directive, as the harm defined in paragraphs (a) and (b) of that article requires a clear degree of individualisation. While it is admittedly true that collective factors play a significant role in the application of Article 15(c) of the Directive, in that the person concerned belongs, like other people, to a circle of potential victims of indiscriminate violence in situations of international or internal armed conflict, it is nevertheless the case that that provision must be subject to a coherent interpretation in relation to the other two situations referred to in Article 15 of the Directive and must, therefore, be interpreted by close reference to that individualisation.

39 In that regard, the more the applicant is able to show that he is specifically affected by reason of factors particular to his personal circumstances, the lower the level of indiscriminate violence required for him to be eligible for subsidiary protection.

 40 Moreover, it should be added that, in the individual assessment of an application for subsidiary protection, under Article 4(3) of the Directive, the following may be taken into account:

– the geographical scope of the situation of indiscriminate violence and the actual destination of the applicant in the event that he is returned to the relevant country, as is clear from

Article 8(1) of the Directive, and

– the existence, if any, of a serious indication of real risk, such as that referred to in Article 4(4) of the Directive, an indication in the light of which the level of indiscriminate violence required for eligibility for subsidiary protection may be lower.…….

43 Having regard to all of the foregoing considerations, the answer to the questions referred is that Article 15(c) of the Directive, in conjunction with Article 2(e) of the Directive, must be interpreted as meaning that:

– the existence of a serious and individual threat to the life or person of an applicant for subsidiary protection is not subject to the condition that that applicant adduce evidence that he is specifically targeted by reason of factors particular to his personal circumstances;

– the existence of such a threat can exceptionally be considered to be established where the degree of indiscriminate violence characterising the armed conflict taking place –- assessed by the competent national authorities before which an application for subsidiary protection is made, or by the courts of a Member State to which a decision refusing such an application is referred — reaches such a high level that substantial grounds are shown for believing that a civilian, returned to the relevant country or, as the case may be, to the relevant region, would, solely on account of his presence on the territory of that country or region, face a real risk of being subject to that threat.

44 It should also, lastly, be added that the interpretation of Article 15(c) of the Directive, in conjunction with Article 2(e) thereof, arising from the foregoing paragraphs is fully ompatible with the ECHR, including the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights relating to Article 3 of the ECHR (see, inter alia, NA. v. The United Kingdom, § 115 to 117 and the case-law cited).”

SOMALIA – DOMESTIC CASELAW ON ARTICLE 3 OF THE ECHR AND HUMANITARIAN PROTECTION

HH & others (Mogadishu: armed conflict: risk) Somalia CG [2008] UKAIT 00022:
Applying the definitions drawn from the Tadic jurisdictional judgment, the Upper Tribunal in HH and others found that for the purposes of paragraph 339C of the Immigration Rules and the Qualification Directive, on the evidence before them, an internal armed conflict exists in Mogadishu. The zone of conflict was confined to the city and international humanitarian law applied to the area controlled by the combatants, which comprised the city, its immediate environs and the TFG/Ethiopian supply base of Baidoa. The Upper Tribunal also decided that a person was not at real risk of serious harm as defined in paragraph 339C by reason only of his or her presence in that zone or area. Neither the TFG/Ethiopians nor the Union of Islamic Courts and its associates were targeting clans or groups for serious harm. Whilst both sides in the conflict had acted from time to time in such a way as to cause harm to civilians, they were not in general engaging in indiscriminate violence. Clan support networks in Mogadishu, though strained, had not collapsed. A person from a majority clan or whose background disclosed a significant degree of assimilation with or acceptance by a majority clan would in general be able to rely on that clan for support and assistance, including at times of displacement as a result of security operations, etc. Majority clans continued to have access to arms, albeit that their militias no longer controlled the city. The Upper Tribunal found that a member of a minority clan or group who had no identifiable home area where majority clan support could be found would in general be at real risk of serious harm of being targeted by criminal elements, both in any area of former residence and in the event (which is reasonably likely) of being displaced. That risk was directly attributable to the person’s ethnicity and was a sufficient differential feature to engage the Refugee Convention, as well as article 3 of the ECHR and paragraph 339C/article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive. The evidence disclosed no other relevant differentiating feature for the purposes of those Conventions and the Directive.

The Upper Tribunal considered that the evidence suggested that certain minority groups may be accepted by the majority clan of the area in question, so as to be able to call on protection from that clan. On the current evidence, it was therefore not appropriate to assume that a finding of minority group status in southern Somalia was itself sufficient to entitle a person to international protection, particularly where a person’s credibility was otherwise lacking.

AM & AM (armed conflict: risk categories) Somalia CG [2008] UKAIT 00091:

 The Upper Tribunal in AM & AM stated that when considering the question of whether a person is eligible for refugee protection on the basis of exposure to armed conflict, Adan [1998] 2 WLR 703 did not permit decision makers to reject their claims per se. A person may be able to succeed in a claim to protection based on poor socio-economic or dire humanitarian living conditions under the Refugee Convention or Article 15 of the Qualification Directive or Article 3, although to succeed on this basis alone the circumstances would have to be extremely unusual. In the context of Article 15(c) the serious and individual threat involved does not have to be a direct effect of the indiscriminate violence; it is sufficient if the latter is an operative cause. The Upper Tribunal decided that the Opinion of the Advocate General in Elgafaji, 9 September 2008 in Case C-465/07 did not afford an adequately reasoned basis for departing from the guidance given on the law in the reported cases of the Tribunal on Article 15(c), namely HH and others (Mogadishu: armed conflict: risk) Somalia CG [2008] UKAIT 00022 and KH (Article 15(c) Qualification Directive) Iraq CG [2008] UKAIT 00023. Before the Tribunal will take seriously a challenge to the historic validity of a Tribunal country guidance case, it would need submissions which seek to adduce all relevant evidence, for or against, the proposed different view. The historic validity of the guidance given in HH and Others was confirmed. The Upper Tribunal in AM & AM however stated that as regards the continuing validity of the guidance given in HH, the Tribunal considered that there have been significant changes in the situation in central and southern Somalia, such that the country guidance in that case was superseded to the following extent:

There was now an internal armed conflict within the meaning of international humanitarian law (IHL) and Article 15(c) of the Refugee Qualification Directive throughout central and southern Somalia, not just in and around Mogadishu. The armed conflict taking place in Mogadishu currently amounted to indiscriminate violence at such a level of severity as to place the great majority of the population at risk of a consistent pattern of indiscriminate violence. On the present evidence Mogadishu was no longer safe as a place to live in for the great majority of returnees whose home area is Mogadishu;

Assessment of the extent to which internally displaced persons (IDPs) face greater or lesser hardships, at least outside Mogadishu (where security considerations are particularly grave,) will vary significantly depending on a number of factors;

For those whose home area is not Mogadishu, they will not in general be able to show a real risk of persecution or serious harm or ill treatment simply on the basis that they are a civilian or even a civilian internally displaced person (IDP) and from such and such a home area, albeit much will depend on the precise state of the background evidence relating to their home area at the date of decision or hearing;

As regards internal relocation, whether those whose home area is Mogadishu (or any other part of central and southern Somalia) would be able to relocate in safety and without undue hardship would depend on the evidence as to the general circumstances in the relevant parts of central and southern Somalia and the personal circumstances of the applicant. Whether or not it was likely that relocation would mean that they have to live for a substantial period in an IDP camp, would be an important but not necessarily a decisive factor; Where a particular route and method of return is implicit in an immigration decision it is within the jurisdiction of the Tribunal to deal with issues of en route safety on return: see AG (Somalia) [2006] EWCA Civ 1342. But in the context of Somali appeals currently, the method of return is far too uncertain and so any opinion the Tribunal expresses on such issues can only be given on an obiter basis.

AMM and others (conflict; humanitarian crisis; returnees; FGM) Somalia CG [2011] UKUT 00445 (IAC):

On the assumption that Al-Shabab’s likely behaviour towards those who transgress its rules is as found in this determination, the position is as “extreme” as the factual basis in RT (Zimbabwe) [2010] EWCA Civ 1285. In the light of RT, a person from an Al-Shabab area who can show they do not genuinely adhere to Al-Shabab’s ethos will have a good claim to Refugee Convention protection, once outside Somalia (subject to internal relocation and exclusion clause issues), regardless of whether the person could and would “play the game”, by adhering to Al-Shabab’s rules.

Despite the withdrawal in early August 2011 of Al-Shabab conventional forces from at least most of Mogadishu, there remained in general a real risk of Article 15(c) harm for the majority of those returning to that city after a significant period of time abroad. Such a risk does not arise in the case of a person connected with powerful actors or belonging to a category of middle class or professional persons, who can live to a reasonable standard in circumstances where the Article 15(c) risk, which exists for the great majority of the population, does not apply. The significance of this category should not, however, be overstated and, in particular, is not automatically to be assumed to exist, merely because a person has told lies.

The armed conflict in Mogadishu does not, however, pose a real risk of Article 3 harm in respect of any person in that city, regardless of circumstances. The humanitarian crisis in southern and central Somalia has led to a declaration of famine in IDP camps in Mogadishu; but a returnee from the United Kingdom who is fit for work or has family connections may be able to avoid having to live in such a camp. A returnee may, nevertheless, face a real risk of Article 3 harm, by reason of his or her vulnerability.

Except as regards the issue of female genital mutilation (FGM), it is unlikely that a proposed return to Mogadishu at the present time will raise Refugee Convention issues.

Outside Mogadishu, the fighting in southern and central Somalia is both sporadic and localised and is not such as to place every civilian in that part of the country at real risk of Article 15(c) harm. In individual cases, it will be necessary to establish where a person comes from and what the background information says is the present position in that place. If fighting is going on, that will have to be taken into account in deciding whether Article 15(c) is applicable. There is, likewise, no generalised current risk of Article 3 harm as a result of armed conflict. In general, a returnee with no recent experience of living in Somalia will be at real risk of being subjected to treatment proscribed by Article 3 in an Al-Shabab controlled area. “No recent experience” means that the person concerned left Somalia before the rise of Al-Shabab in 2008. Even if a person has such experience, however, he or she will still be returning from the United Kingdom, with all that is likely to entail, so far as Al-Shabab perceptions are concerned, but he or she will be less likely to be readily identifiable as a returnee. Even if he or she were to be so identified, the evidence may point to the person having struck up some form of accommodation with Al-Shabab, whilst living under their rule. On the other hand, although having family in the Al-Shabab area of return may alleviate the risk, the rotating nature of Al-Shabab leadership and the fact that punishments are meted out in apparent disregard of local sensibilities mean that, in general, it cannot be said that the presence of family is likely to mean the risk ceases to be a real one.

Al-Shabab’s reasons for imposing its requirements and restrictions, such as regarding manner of dress and spending of leisure time, are religious and those who transgress are regarded as demonstrating that they remain in a state of kufr (apostasy). The same is true of those returnees who are identified as coming from the West. Accordingly, those at real risk of such Article 3 ill-treatment from Al-Shabab will in general be refugees, since the persecutory harm is likely to be inflicted on the basis of imputed religious opinion. Although those with recent experience of living under Al-Shabab may be able to “play the game”, in the sense of conforming with Al-Shabab’s requirements and avoiding suspicion of apostasy, the extreme nature of the consequences facing anyone who might wish to refuse to conform (despite an ability to do so) is such as to attract the principle in RT (Zimbabwe). The result is that such people will also in general be at real risk of persecution by Al-Shabab for a Refugee Convention reason. The same considerations apply to those who are reasonably likely to have to pass through Al-Shabab areas.

For someone at real risk in a home area in southern or central Somalia, an internal relocation alternative to Mogadishu is in general unlikely to be available, given the risk of indiscriminate violence in the city, together with the present humanitarian situation. Relocation to an IDP camp in the Afgoye Corridor will, as a general matter, likewise be unreasonable, unless there is evidence that the person concerned would be able to achieve the lifestyle of those better-off inhabitants of the Afgoye Corridor settlements.

Internal relocation to an area controlled by Al-Shabab is not feasible for a person who has had no history of living under Al-Shabab in that area (and is in general unlikely to be a reasonable proposition for someone who has had such a history). Internal relocation to an area not controlled by Al-Shabab is in general unlikely to be an option, if the place of proposed relocation is stricken by famine or near famine.

Within the context of these findings, family and/or clan connections may have an important part to play in determining the reasonableness of a proposed place of relocation. The importance of these connections is likely to grow, as the nature of the present humanitarian crisis diminishes and if Al-Shabab continues to lose territory.

Travel by land across southern and central Somalia to a home area or proposed place of relocation is an issue that falls to be addressed in the course of determining claims to international protection. Such travel may well, in general, pose real risks of serious harm, not only from Al-Shabab checkpoints but also as a result of the present famine conditions. Women travelling without male friends or relatives are in general likely to face a real risk of sexual violence.

An issue that may have implications for future Somali appeals is the availability of air travel within Somalia (including to Somaliland). Flying into Mogadishu International Airport is sufficiently safe. There is no evidence to indicate a real risk to commercial aircraft flying to other airports in Somalia.

The Upper Tribunal stated that the present appeals were not designed to be vehicles for giving country guidance on the position within Somaliland or Puntland. There is no evidential basis for departing from the conclusion in NM and others, that Somaliland and Puntland in general only accept back persons who were former residents of those regions and were members of locally based clans or sub clans. In the context of Somali immigration to the United Kingdom, there is a close connection with Somaliland.

A person from Somaliland will not, in general, be able without real risk of serious harm to travel overland from Mogadishu International Airport to a place where he or she might be able to obtain an unofficial travel document for the purposes of gaining entry to Somaliland, and then by land to Somaliland. This is particularly the case if the person is female. A proposed return by air to Hargeisa, Somaliland (whether or not via Mogadishu International Airport) will in general involve no such risks.

The incidence of FGM in Somalia is universally agreed to be over 90%. The predominant type of FGM is the “pharaonic”, categorised by the World Health Organisation as Type III. The societal requirement for any girl or woman to undergo FGM is strong. In general, an uncircumcised, unmarried Somali woman, up to the age of 39, will be at real risk of suffering FGM.

The risk will be greatest in cases where both parents are in favour of FGM. Where both are opposed, the question of whether the risk will reach the requisite level will need to be determined by reference to the extent to which the parents are likely to be able to withstand the strong societal pressures. Unless the parents are from a socio-economic background that is likely to distance them from mainstream social attitudes, or there is some other particular feature of their case, the fact of parental opposition may well as a general matter be incapable of eliminating the real risk to the daughter that others (particularly relatives) will at some point inflict FGM on her.

MOJ & Ors (Return to Mogadishu) Somalia CG [2014] UKUT 00442 (IAC):

Generally, a person who is “an ordinary civilian” (i.e. not associated with the security forces; any aspect of government or official administration or any NGO or international organisation) on returning to Mogadishu after a period of absence will face no real risk of persecution or risk of harm such as to require protection under Article 3 of the ECHR or Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive.  In particular, he will not be at real risk simply on account of having lived in a European location for a period of time of being viewed with suspicion either by the authorities as a possible supporter of Al Shabaab or by Al Shabaab as an apostate or someone whose Islamic integrity has been compromised by living in a Western country. There has been durable change in the sense that the Al Shabaab withdrawal from Mogadishu is complete and there is no real prospect of a re-established presence within the city. That was not the case at the time of the country guidance given by the Tribunal in AMM. The level of civilian casualties, excluding non-military casualties that clearly fall within Al Shabaab target groups such as politicians, police officers, government officials and those associated with NGOs and international organisations, cannot be precisely established by the statistical evidence which is incomplete and unreliable. However, it is established by the evidence considered as a whole that there has been a reduction in the level of civilian casualties since 2011, largely due to the cessation of confrontational warfare within the city and Al Shabaab’s resort to asymmetrical warfare on carefully selected targets. The present level of casualties does not amount to a sufficient risk to ordinary civilians such as to represent an Article 15(c) risk. It is open to an ordinary citizen of Mogadishu to reduce further still his personal exposure to the risk of “collateral damage” in being caught up in an Al Shabaab attack that was not targeted at him by avoiding areas and establishments that are clearly identifiable as likely Al Shabaab targets, and it is not unreasonable for him to do so. There is no real risk of forced recruitment to Al Shabaab for civilian citizens of Mogadishu, including for recent returnees from the West.

 

A person returning to Mogadishu after a period of absence will look to his nuclear family, if he has one living in the city, for assistance in re-establishing himself and securing a livelihood. Although a returnee may also seek assistance from his clan members who are not close relatives, such help is only likely to be forthcoming for majority clan members, as minority clans may have little to offer. The significance of clan membership in Mogadishu has changed. Clans now provide, potentially, social support mechanisms and assist with access to livelihoods, performing less of a protection function than previously. There are no clan militias in Mogadishu, no clan violence, and no clan based discriminatory treatment, even for minority clan members.

 

If it is accepted that a person facing a return to Mogadishu after a period of absence has no nuclear family or close relatives in the city to assist him in re-establishing himself on return, there will need to be a careful assessment of all of the circumstances. These considerations will include, but are not limited to:

 

  • circumstances in Mogadishu before departure;
  • length of absence from Mogadishu;
  • family or clan associations to call upon in Mogadishu;
  • access to financial resources;
  • prospects of securing a livelihood, whether that be employment or self employment;
  • availability of remittances from abroad;
  • means of support during the time spent in the United Kingdom;
  • why his ability to fund the journey to the West no longer enables an appellant to secure financial support on return.Put another way, it will be for the person facing return to explain why he would not be able to access the economic opportunities that have been produced by the economic boom, especially as there is evidence to the effect that returnees are taking jobs at the expense of those who have never been away.It will, therefore, only be those with no clan or family support who will not be in receipt of remittances from abroad and who have no real prospect of securing access to a livelihood on return who will face the prospect of living in circumstances falling below that which is acceptable in humanitarian protection terms. The evidence indicates clearly that it is not simply those who originate from Mogadishu that may now generally return to live in the city without being subjected to an Article 15(c) risk or facing a real risk of destitution. On the other hand, relocation in Mogadishu for a person of a minority clan with no former links to the city, no access to funds and no other form of clan, family or social support is unlikely to be realistic as, in the absence of means to establish a home and some form of ongoing financial support there will be a real risk of having no alternative but to live in makeshift accommodation within an IDP camp where there is a real possibility of having to live in conditions that will fall below acceptable humanitarian standards.

SOMALIA -RELEVANT ECHR CASELAW ON ARTICLE 3 OF THE ECHR AND HUMANITARIAN PROTECTION

Case of Sufi and Elmi v United Kingdom (Applications nos. 8319/07 and 11449/07) – 28 June 2011- found in summary that:

“248. The Court considers that the large quantity of objective information overwhelmingly indicates that the level of violence in Mogadishu is of sufficient intensity to pose a real risk of treatment reaching the Article 3 threshold to anyone in the capital. In reaching this conclusion the Court has had regard to the indiscriminate bombardments and military offensives carried out by all parties to the conflict, the unacceptable number of civilian casualties, the substantial number of persons displaced within and from the city, and the unpredictable and widespread nature of the conflict.

“250.Consequently, the Court concludes that the violence in Mogadishu is of such a level of intensity that anyone in the city, except possibly those who are exceptionally well-connected to “powerful actors”, would be at real risk of treatment prohibited by Article 3 of the Convention”.

Case of K.A.B. v. Sweden (Application no. 886/11) – 5 September 2013 found in summary that:

“91. The Court is aware that the human rights and security situation in Mogadishu is serious and fragile and in many ways unpredictable. However, in the light of the above, in particular the fact that al-Shabaab is no longer in power in the city, there is no front-line fighting or shelling any longer and the number of civilian casualties has gone down, it finds that the available country information does not indicate that the situation is, at present, of such a nature as to place everyone who is present in the city at a real risk of treatment contrary to Article 3 of the Convention. Therefore, the Court has to establish whether the applicant’s personal situation is such that his return to Somalia would contravene the relevant provisions of the Convention”.

Case of R.H. v. Sweden (application no. 4601/14)- 10 September 2015:

The case concerned the removal of a Somali asylum-seeker. The applicant, R.H., was a Somali national who was born in 1988. She applied for asylum in Sweden in December 2011, claiming that she had just arrived in the country. The Migration Board and migration courts examined her situation and eventually rejected her asylum application in June 2013 and ordered her deportation to Somalia. Those instances found that the applicant’s statements to the authorities lacked credibility: notably, she had already filed asylum applications in Italy and the Netherlands before arriving in Sweden in 2007, staying there illegally until contacting the migration authorities in 2011; and, initially claiming that she had left Somalia because of the war, had then changed her story to allege that she had fled Somalia with a secret boyfriend to escape a forced marriage to an older man and feared ill-treatment by her family on her return, particularly by her uncles who had already severely beaten her in 2004 for trying to escape. The applicant subsequently submitted a petition to have the enforcement of her deportation order stopped, claiming that her uncles had joined al-Shabaab, a jihadist terrorist group based in Somalia, forcing her brother to also join the group and killing her sister. The Migration Board rejected her petition in September 2013.

The applicant’s deportation was stayed in January 2014 on the basis of an interim measure granted by the European Court of Human Rights under Rule 39 of its Rules of Court, which indicated to the Swedish Government that the applicant should not be expelled to Somalia whilst the Court was considering the case.

Relying in particular on Article 3 (prohibition of inhuman or degrading treatment) of the European Convention on Human Rights, R.H. alleged that, if removed from Sweden to Somalia, she would face a real risk of either being killed by her uncles for refusing to agree to a forced marriage before fleeing Somalia or forced to marry a man against her will again upon her return. She further claimed that the general situation in Somalia for women was very difficult, in particular for those – such as herself – who lacked a male network and were therefore all the more vulnerable.

The   Court in R.H considered that:

“67. It is thus clear that the general security situation in Mogadishu remains serious and fragile. The available sources do not, however, indicate that the situation has deteriorated since September 2013. For example, in the Danish/Norwegian report of March 2014 (see paragraph 25 above), the UNDSS and an international NGO were reported as saying that there had been security improvements since April 2013. Also the conclusions drawn by the United Kingdom Upper Tribunal in MOJ & Ors (paragraphs 31-32) suggest that there has been an improvement. Given the high volume of oral and written evidence examined by the Tribunal, the Court considers that its assessment must be accorded great weight. Among other things, the Tribunal concluded that there had been durable change in the sense that the al-Shabaab withdrawal from Mogadishu was complete and there was no real prospect of a re-established presence within the city. The indiscriminate bombardments and military offensives mentioned by the Court in its 2011 judgment in Sufi and Elmi v. the United Kindom had been replaced by al- Shabaab attacks against carefully selected targets – politicians, police officers, government officials and those associated with non-governmental and international organisations – that did not include “ordinary civilians” or diaspora returnees. The Tribunal further considered that the areas and establishments at which these attacks were aimed were largely predictable and could be reasonably avoided by the citizens. Moreover, while the statistical information concerning casualty levels was deficient and unreliable, the cessation of confrontational warfare in Mogadishu and the changed type of attacks by al-Shabaab were found to have reduced the level of civilian casualties since 2011. The Tribunal also had regard to the “huge” number of people returning to the city, where new economic opportunities were available

  1. Consequently, having regard to the information available concerning the present situation in Mogadishu, the Court finds that the assessment made in K.A.B. v. Sweden (cited above, §§ 87-91) is still valid. Thus, there is no indication that the situation is of such a nature as to place everyone who is present in the city at a real risk of treatment contrary to Article 3. The Court must therefore establish whether the applicant’s personal circumstances are such that her return to Mogadishu would contravene that provision.
  2. The various reports attest to the difficult situation of women in Somalia, including Mogadishu. The UNHCR has identified women and girls as a particular risk group (see paragraph 37 above). While there has been legislative progress in the form of the development of a sexual offences bill, there are several concordant reports about serious and widespread sexual and gender-based violence in the country (paragraphs 27,30, 33-34 and 38). Not only civilians but also members of SNAF, AMISOM and other armed forces are perpetrators of abuse against women. Women are unable to get protection from the police and the crimes are often committed with impunity, as the authorities are unable or unwilling to investigate and prosecute reported perpetrators. It is also clear that women are generally discriminated against in Somali society and that they hold a subordinate position to men. As shown by the report of the Swedish Migration Board, women are reliant on men in many aspects of societal life (paragraph 30). In the Court’s view, it may be concluded that a single woman returning to Mogadishu without access to protection from a male network would face a real risk of living in conditions constituting inhuman or degrading treatment under Article 3 of the Convention.
  3. In sum, the Court considers that there are significant inconsistencies in the applicant’s submissions. The claims concerning her personal experiences and the dangers facing her upon return have not been made plausible. Accordingly, there is no basis for finding that she would return to Mogadishu as a lone woman with the risks that such a situation entails. In this connection, the Court notes that the applicant was informed of the death of her father in 2010 and her mother in 2011, indicating that she has retained contacts in Mogadishu. Moreover, she has family living in the city, including a brother and uncles. She must therefore be considered to have access to both family support and a male protection network. Furthermore, it has not been shown that the applicant would have to resort to living in a camp for refugees and IDPs.
  4. Consequently, while not overlooking the difficult situation of women in Somalia, including Mogadishu, the Court cannot find, in this particular case, that the applicant would face a real risk of treatment contrary to Article 3 of the Convention if returned to that city. Thus, her deportation to Mogadishu would not involve a violation of that provision”.

There was thus held to be no violation of Article 3 in the event of R.H.’s removal to Mogadishu in Somalia. Interim measure (Rule 39 of the Rules of Court) – not to deport R.H. to remain in force until judgment became final or until further order.

 CONSIDERATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS

Having regard to the outcome in R.H, the ECHR in effect agreeing with the reasoning and conclusion of the Upper Tribunal in MOJ 2014, and with the ECHR also having had regard to   very recent background evidence as regards the security   situation in Somalia, this gives little hope currently to increased successes in protection claims raised by Somalians in the UK. The positives however practically for Somalians in that country are that the security situation has improved and it has been reiterated that there is an “ economic boom” benefiting some and providing opportunities.

It is also important to note that  the Upper Tribunal in MOJ 2014 made it   clear that the country guidance issues addressed in their determination were not identical to those engaged with by the Tribunal in AMM and others (conflict; humanitarian crisis; returnees; FGM) Somalia CG [2011] UKUT 445 (IAC). Therefore, where country guidance has been given by the Tribunal in AMM and others in respect of issues not addressed MOJ 2014 then the guidance provided by AMM and others continues to have effect.

Despite the conclusions in MOJ 2014 and R.H generally on Article 3 and humanitarian protection, there can in fact be viability of some claims capable of advancement for those that fall into a “carefully selected target” group- such claims   appear however to be confined to those with some high profile making them of particular adverse interest  to Al Shabab. A minority group member who becomes an internally  displaced person in any part of south and central Somali with no choice but to live in an IDP camp ; a minority group woman without family or clan support; a woman at risk of gender based persecution such as FGM and those whose personal circumstances are such that return would put them at risk can also still put forward a claim for protection.

Having regard to the  case and outcome  in R.H, it is important however that claimants be regarded as credible overall in order for there to be an acceptance of the factual accounts of those falling in the risk categories otherwise a claim may fall at the first hurdle.

Zimbabweans and Protection: Is There Any Point In Advancing an Asylum Protection Claim in The UK?

Seemingly,  on the basis of the current Zimbabwean country guidance caselaw  as it relates to protection  claims based on political opinion(actual or imputed), sexuality and medical condition cases, unless the claim is accompanied by compelling evidence both on a subjective level and objectively, chances  of success,  whether  on application or at appeal appear to be  but a mere hope.

Despite having an applicant’s account  set out in the substantive asylum interview and perhaps in addition via a supportive signed ststement, the Home Office are aware that the best bits in starting to  tear apart  an applicant’s credibility is to repeat a summary of the claim at the beginning of the refusal decision  in a way that usually bears little resemblance to the tone and tenor of the claim as initially set forth by the applicant.  Having ensured  during the substantive interview that that interview does not end until some seeming inconsistencies within the applicant’s responses have recorded, the casting of  considerable doubt on the factual claim itself will then follow.  The  refusal decisions have now  become “refined” enough to the point that those aspects that are not believed are now set out under actual headings.   A standard copy and paste of the headnote in CM(Zimbabwe) then takes the best part of three pages, to be followed with the  regurgitated conclusion that the applicant has no high  political profile or if he has one can safely relocate,  usually in Bulawayo or Harare. Upon receipt of the refusal decision, an applicant cannot be blamed if left  with considerable doubt as to whether the immigration Tribunal will accept any aspect of the claim on appeal.

POSSIBLE HEADS OF CLAIM

  • Asylum- Actual or Imputed Political Opinion:

The case of CM(EM Country Guidance; disclosure ) Zimbabwe CG (2013) UKUT 00059 concludes in essence that as a general matter, there is significantly less politically motivated violence in Zimbabwe compared with the situation considered by the AIT in RN(2008). In particular the evidence does not show that as a general matter, the return of a failed asylum seeker from the United Kingdom, having no significant MDC profile would result in that person facing a real risk of having  to demonstrate loyalty to ZANU(PF).  CM noted however that the position is likely to be otherwise in the case of a person returning from the UK after significant absence to a rural area of Zimbabwe, other than Matebeleland North or Matabeleland South. Such a person may well find it difficult to avoid adverse attention, amounting  to serious ill-treatment, from ZANU(PF authority figures and those they control. The adverse attention may well involve a requirement to demonstrate loyalty to ZANU(PF) with the prospect of serious harm in the event of failure. CM found in general that those returning to rural areas of Matebeleland North or Matebeleland South would be highly unlikely to face significant difficulty from ZANU(PF) elements including the security forces even if the returnee is an MDC member or supporter. A person may however be able to show that his village or area is one  that unusually is under the sway of a ZANU(PF) chief,  or the like. Those returning to all other rural areas from the UK without ZANU(PF) connections after a significant absence would face a real risk of persecution because of continuing risk of being required to demonstrate loyalty to ZANU(PF) with the prospect of serious harm in the event of failure. In regard to major urban areas, a returnee to Harare will face difficulties living in high density areas not faced by those living in other urban areas and those persons perceived to be active in MDC politics may face risk of targeted reprisals.   A returnee to Harare will in general face no significant difficulties if going to a low-  density  or medium- density area. Whilst the socio-economic situation in high- density areas is more challenging, in general a person without ZANU(PF) connection will not face significant problems there (including a loyalty test ) unless he has a significant MDC profile which might cause him or her to feature on a list  of those targeted for harassment or would otherwise engage in activities likely to attract the adverse attention of ZANU(PF)  or would be reasonably likely to engage   in such activities but for fear of thereby coming to the adverse attention of  ZANU(PF ).  A returnee  to Bulawayo will in general not suffer the adverse attention of ZANU(PF) including the security forces even if he does have a significant MDC profile.

Those who are or have been teachers are at a heightened risk of illtreatment.  The heightened  risk associated with being a teacher should be considered alongside the  individual circumstances of each case.

The issue of what is a person’s home area  for the purposes of internal relocation is to be decided as a matter of fact.  As a general matter,  it is unlikely that a person with a well founded fear of persecution in a major urban centre such as a Harare will have a viable internal relocation alternative to a rural area in the Eastern province if they have no connection there. Harare or Bulawayo may be a more realistic option for relocation of a person facing risk of persecution in rural Zimbabwe as long as such relocation would not be unduly harsh on the facts of the individual case. Relocation  to Matabeleland(including) Bulawayo) may be unduly harsh because of the risk of discrimination where the returnee is Shona.

Having regard to the guidance in CM,  in essence, unless  an applicant is able to show a political profile high enough to satisfy that they will be at risk on return and/or  are also able to pass the “geographical” filter, then chances of success in an asylum claim based on political opinion  appear limited.

Matters were not made any easier by  the  next case which followed relating to issues of risk on return in relation to  teachers.   NN(Teachers: Matebeleland/ Bulawayo: risk) Zimbabwe CG ( 2013) UKUT 00198(IAC) decided that a teacher will not face a heightened risk on return on account of his occupation alone if his destination of return is (a) rural Matebeleland North or Matebeleland South where a returnee will in general not face a real risk of harm from ZANU(PF)  elements including the security forces even if he is a MDC supporter or member, or (b)  Bulawayo where the returnee will in general not face such a risk even if he has a significant MDC profile.

  • Asylum – Claim based on Sexuality:

Despite acknowledging that there  had much public expression of extreme homophobia at the highest level in recent years; that male homosexual behaviour is criminalised; that some homosexuals suffer discrimination, harassment, and blackmail from the general public and police and that the police and other state agents do not provide protection, the Tribunal in LZ(homosexuals) Zimbabwe CG 2011 UKUT 00487 IAC concluded,  applying the Supreme Court case of HJ &HT (2010) UKSC 31, 2010 Imm AR 729, that there is no general risk to gays or lesbians in Zimbabwe.  The Tribunal observed that  prosecutions in relation to homosexual behaviour was rare; there were no records of any murder with a homophobic element; attempted extortion,  false complaints and unjustified detentions are not so prevalent as to pose a general risk; there is a gay scene within limitations; GALZ took a view that Zimbabwe “was not the worst place in the world to be gay or lesbian even though the President, government officials and church leaders have whipped up a climate of hysterical homophobia”.

The Tribunal considered that personal circumstances place some gays and lesbians at risk. Although not decisive on its own, being openly gay may increase risk. A positive HIV/AIDS diagnosis may be a risk factor. The Tribunal also found that a  homosexual at risk in his community could move elsewhere either in the same city or to another part of the country. He might chose to relocate to where there is greater tolerance, such as Bulawayo, but the choice of a new area is not restricted. The option is excluded only if personal circumstance present risk throughout the country.

It may therefore be possible for an applicant to show that they are gay but fail on the claim on the basis that there is a reasonable internal flight option within Zimbabwe.

  • Article 3 of the ECHR- Medical Condition, HIV:

The case of RS and Others (Zimbabwe- AIDS-Zimbabwe CG( 2010) UKUT 363,(IAC) found that the return to Zimbabwe of a Zimbabwean diagnosed with HIV does not place the United Kingdom in breach of its obligations under the Disability Discrimination Act.  The Tribunal considered that a significant number of people are receiving treatment for HIV/AIDS in Zimbabwe and hence a Zimbabwe returnee will not succeed  in a claim for international protection on the  basis of diagnosis of HIV/AIDS unless their case crossed the threshold identified in N v United Kingdom.  The Tribunal observed that although there is some evidence  of discrimination in access to AIDS medication and food in Zimbabwe, it is not such as to show a real risk of such discrimination.

OTHER BASIS OF SEEKING PROTECTION

There are many Zimbabweans in the UK who are in genuine activism via human rights  and  civil rights groups such as  Restoration of Human Rights ( ROHR ) Zimbabwe and the Zimbabwe  Vigil.  ROHR clarifies on its website  that it,   ” is a non political organisation whose members are passionate and committed to bringing about change in Zimbabwe. We strongly subscribe to the founding principles of returning Zimbabwe to the apex of humans rights vanguard and an economic power house on regional and international levels.(ROHR ) Zimbabwe is founded in the following objectives: To educate and encourage Zimbabweans to stand together and demand that their  human rights issues be addressed- To encourage active participation of Zimbabweans in governance issues including their constitutional rights- to work closely with other organisations that share the same objectives and values nationally, regionally  and internationally”.

The Zimbabwe Vigil was launched on 12 October 2002 and has been held every Saturday since then outside  Zimbabwe House, London. Vigil petitions focus on human rights abuses and the suppression of democracy in Zimbabwe.

Among other objectives, the Zimbabwean Association maintains links with groups in Zimbabwe working to improve the situation in the country. The Zimbabwean Association is a non- partisan and independent organisation with no political role in Zimbabwe itself however it has a growing network of groups around the UK providing practical and emotional support to Zimbabwean asylum seekers and refugees.

The case of HS(returning asylum seekers) Zimbabwe CG 2007 UKAIT 00094 is of relevant application for applicants in activism in the UK  and provides in its headnote, ” The Tribunal identifies one further risk category, being those seen to be active in association with human rights or civil organisations where evidence suggests that the particular organisation has been identified by the authorities as a critic or opponent of the Zimbabwe regime”.

Those taking part in vigils, demonstrations and activism  in  the UK in protest against the  human rights situation in Zimbabwe do so for change and if  as part of their activities they   consider that they have been identified by Zimbabwean state  security agents and fear return to Zimbabwe then they should be entitled to international protection in the UK- whether such claims are submitted via an initial asylum claim or by way of further submissions in seeking to advance a fresh claim for asylum.

The Home Office may however seek state that involvement in such activities is opportunistic and  only undertaken to frustrate removal.  They may place reliance upon the case of BA(Demonstrators in British – risk on return) Iran CG 2011 UKUT 36 (IAC) where the  Upper Tribunal set out the factors to be considered when assessing risk on return having regard to sur place activities. The factors include considerations of the theme of the demonstrations; role in demonstrations and political profile; extent of participation; surveillance of demonstrators; regime’s capacity to identify individuals; profile; immigration history and matching identification to person.

Reliance can however be placed upon the case of YB(Eritrea) 2008 EWCA Civ 360, which states at paragraph 18, “Where as here, the tribunal has objective evidence which ” paints  a bleak picture of the suppression of political opponents” by a named government, it requires little or no evidence or speculation to arrive at a strong possibility- and perhaps more- that its foreign  legations not only film  or photograph their nationals who demonstrate against the regime but have informers among expatriate  oppositionist organisation  who can name the people who are filmed or photographed. Similarly it does not require affirmative evidence to establish a probability that the intelligence services of such states monitor the internet for information  about oppositionist groups. The real question in most cases will be what follows for the individual claimant….”.

The Home Office Country Information and Guidance Zimbabwe: Political Opposition to ZANU(PF)- October 2014,  itself confirms that there continue to be reports of ill-treatment of perceived MDC supporters, political activists and perceived government critics. Recent reports for example from Human Rights Watch also  state that the Zimbabwean government continued to  violate human rights without regard to protections in the country’s new constitution.

When  issues of risk on return arise then reliance can be placed once again on the case of HS which states in its headnote that the process of screening returning passengers is an intelligence led process and the state security agents will generally have identified from the passenger manifest in advance, based on such intelligence those passengers in whom there is any possible interest. On that basis,  the factual matrix  applicable to the claimant having been established as regards the issues giving rise to a fear of return, it may be possible to advance an argument that there is no questions of internal relocation as risk will arise at the airport itself upon arrival in Zimbabwe.

  • Gender Based Persecution- Women and Girls:

A woman may have a fear of return to Zimbabwe on account of being subjected to domestic violence, rape or fear of  being subjected to harmful traditional practices such as forced and early marriage or polygamy  which can amount to inhuman and degrading treatment.

The Home Office  Country Information and Guidance Zimbabwe: Women  October 2014  confirms that women in Zimbabwe constitute a particular social group within the meaning of the 1951  UN Refugee Convention because they share a common characteristic that cannot be changed- their gender- and based on an assessment of the country information, they have a distinct identity in Zimbabwe which is perceived as being different by the surrounding society.

The Home Office Guidance summarises that although Zimbabwe has a strong legal frame work for addressing violence against women, laws are not effectively enforced and sexual and gender based violence remain serious and widespread problems. Patriachal attitude and discrimination are prevalent, particularly in the rural areas, and women and girls  can be subjected to harmful traditional practices. The Home Office acknowledge that effective state protection is unlikley to be available for women fearing gender based violence. Internal relocation to avoid gender based violence may be  viable in some limited cases, particularly from rural to urban areas. The Home Office guidance concludes that a women who demonstrates a real risk or reasonable likelihood of ill-treatment on return to Zimbabwe on account of her gender and who is able  to show that she is unable to secure effective protection or relocate elsewhere in Zimbabwe to escape that risk,  will qualify for asylum.

CONCLUSION

Despite the case of  CM(Zimbabwe)  appearing to apply to a  narrow category  of those considered at risk of return to Zimbabwe, each  claim is considered in its own merits and as such where an applicant  has a genuine fear of return and  having regard to the sometimes volatile human rights conditions in Zimbabwe  including the amount of  case-law that has been generated through litigation over the years  as regards risk on return for Zimbabweans, letting the UK authorities aware of a fear on return to Zimbabwe  is essential.

Which Crisis is the UK Government dealing with: The European Refugee Crisis Or The Syrian Refugee Crisis ?

As recently as 2 September 2015, the UK Prime Minister  stated that the refugee crisis would not be solved by Britain taking more refugees yet on 4 September 2015 he performed a sudden u-turn and announced that Britain would accept thousands more Syrian refugees.  The Guardian however  reported on 4 September 2015 that, ” Downing Street declined to put an exact figure on the number of refugees who will be flown to Britain from refugee camps in countries bordering Syria…Cameron suggested Britain wanted to take refugees from the camps to discourage people from making the “harzadous” journey to the UK.  Refugees travel to the UK because they can claim asylum in Britain. The Prime Minister said:”We will continue with our approach of taking those from the refugee camps. This provides them with a direct and safe route to the UK, rather than risking the harzadous journey which has cost so many lives. We will discuss how best to design these schemes and the numbers we will take with NGOS and partners. And we will set out further details next week”.

It seems the UK government’s current sudden position( in order to appease the increasingly mounting criticisms against its expressed reluctance to take in asylum seekers entering Europe) is  to deal not with Syrian asylum claimants already within Europe itself but with those  who have been ascertained in advance as needing protection.

The announcement of 4 September 2015, however is not the first time that the UK Government has bowed to pressure to accept Syrian refugees. Again following pressure, on 29 January 2014, the Home Secretary announced that the UK Government would establish a programme to offer resettlement in the UK to those they considered “vulnerable”  Syrian refugees. The Home Secretary described the “vulnerable person  relocation(VPR) scheme” as separate to but “entirely consistent” with the UNHCR’ s existing resettlement programme. Those to be prioritised would involve victims of sexual violence, the elderely, victims of torture and the disabled. Those resettled under the UK’s  scheme were to be granted 5years Humanitarian Protection and have access to public funds and the labour market. At that time the UK Government said that it expected several hunded refugees to arrive over the next three years. The first group of resettled refugees arrived in the UK on 25 March 2014. Press reports suggested that this group consisted of 10 to 20  people. As at 24 June 2014, 50 people had been resettled under the scheme-House of Commons Parliamentary Brief of 30 July 2014 titled In Brief: Syrian Refugees and the UK.

A UNHCR FactSheet of 18 August 2015 states that the United Kingdom Government and and Northern Ireland have so far accepted 187 refugees under the Vulnerable Persons Relocation Scheme.

On 4 September 2015, the United Kingdom Government announced that it had taken 216 people under the Syrian Vulnerable Person Scheme.  It was also clarified that since 2011, the UK has granted protection to almost 5000 Syrians through  normal asylum procedures. Accepting Syrian asylum seekers through normal challenges is clearly just what the UK Government wants to avoid-most of the claimants arrive in Europe  and therefore the UK undocumented to claim asylum and as such there is little the UK Government  can do to limit the numbers seeking to claim asylum once they have entered the UK.

A press release statement of 4 September 2015 by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Antonio Guterre, on the  Refugee Crisis in Europe states, ” The European Union is preparing key emergency meetings to take decisions in its response to the present refugee and migration crisis.  The situation  requires a massive common effort that is not possible with the current fragmented approach. Europe is facing its biggest refugee influx in decades…..But overall, Europe has failed to find an effective common response, and people have suffered as a result……This is a primarily  refugee crisis, not only a migration phenomenon. The vast majority of those arriving in Greece come from conflict zones like Syria, Iraq or Afghanistan and are simply running for their lives. All people on the move in these tragic circumstances deserve to see their human rights and dignity fully respected, independently of their legal status…….Europe cannot go on responding to this crisis with a piecemeal or incremental approach…..People who are found to have a valid protection claim in this initial screening must then benefit from a mass relocation programme, with the mandatory participation of all EU member states”.

By seeking to soley announce special provisions for Syrians refuges only, could the United Kingdom government be said to be dealing with a crisis affecting Europe in a fragmented way?  The resettlement programme they began last year does not appear to have much assisted the problem.

Despite the Government’s undoubtedly welcome policy to bring in more Syrian refugees via a resettlement scheme, it still remains possible for Syrians and refugees of other nationalities  to make their way across Europe, into the UK and claim asylum here  and as such the UK government will in the long term still have to deal  with and engage with the rest of Europe as regards solutions to the current crisis. The UK Government cannot therefore  by-pass true engagement with the rest of Europe simply by announcing they will accept refugees of a certain nationality but not  for example Eritreans, Afghanis, or Iraqis.

REFUGEE CRISIS IN EUROPE – IS THE DUBLIN SYSTEM NOT WORKING?

According to Asylum Information Database, AIDA,  as reported on 24 August 2015,  the German Federal Office for Migration and Refugees issued internal instructions  on 21 August 2015 suspending the Dublin Procedure in respect of Syrian nationals. Newly applying Syrian asylum seekers are to be immediately channelled into the regular asylum  procedure and will not be given the Dublin questionnnaires usually provided to applicants.

There are  concerning reports of increasing frequency  regarding the seeming sharp rise in  influx in relation to protection-seeking claimants arriving in Europe. Alarmingly,  there is expressed  reluctance to shoulder responsibility for taking on these claimants by some  signatories to the Dublin Regulation.

So how has the current  situation arisen one might ask? The short answer according  to BBC News is that,  “The situation in Calais is part of a wider migration crisis in Europe -caused largely by the displacement of people from war- torn countries such as Syria, Afghanistan, Eritria, and also North Africa…”-30 July 2015, ‘Why is there a crisis in Calais?’

Some in Europe have campaigned to raise awareness of the migrants desperate situation however some consider them to be simply economic migrants to be returned on sight to wherever they came from.  On 9 August 2015, The Telegraph reported that Philip Hammond, the Foreign Secretary said,  ”  ‘maurauding’ migrants around Calais pose risk to security of Channel Tunnel and that sending them to their home countries must be ‘number one’ priority…..Philip Hammond said under EU laws migrants can be “pretty confident” that they willl never be returned to their home countries, adding  that it will not be “sustainable” if Europe has to “absorb” millions of African migrants…..Speaking during a visit to Singapore, Mr  Hammond said the gap in living standards between Europe and Africa meant there would always  be an “economic motivation” for Africans to try to make it to the EU”.   Thus the most pressing concern appears to be whether the standard of living in the UK will be distablised by the entry of those described by Prime Minister, David Cameroon as a “swarm”  of people.

Some countries in Europe have gone as far as closing their borders as criticised by Amnesty International on 21 August 2015, ” Thousands of mainly Syrian, Afghan and Iraqi refugees and asylum seekers are trapped and face a serious risk of violence after Macedonian authorities sealed the country’s southern border on Thursday, creating a new crisis zone amid the global refugee crisis, Amesnty International said……..All countries have a duty to protect those fleeing conflict and persecution, and Macedonia is no exception. When the system cannot cope, you improve the system, you dont just stop people from coming in”.

That the Dublin  system may not be working as well as it should be is evident from France and German ‘s very recent call for unity in Europe  to deal with the refugee crisis, ” We must put in place a unified system for the right to asylum, French President François Hollande said in a brief statement ahead  of talks  with German Chancellor Angela Merkel, calling the influx from the world’s crisis zones ” an exceptional situation that will last some time “…….Rather than wait, we should organise and reinforce our policies and that is what France and German are proposing, Hollande said”.-www.eurativ.com, 25 August 2015, ‘Merkel, Holland urge unified  EU response to refugee crisis’.

THE APPLICABLE PROVISIONS

France, Germany, the UK  and some  other countries in Europe are member states of the European Union.  On 15 June 1990 the European Community member states agreed upon a Convention seeking to determine the member state responsible for examining applications for asylum lodged in one of the member states of the European Communities. The Dublin Convention came into force on 1 September 1997. The provisions of the Dublin Convention were effective from September 1997 until replaced in September 2003 by the Dublin II Regulation. The Convention laid down a set of criteria for determining  member states consideration of asylum applications. The member state most responsible for an applicant’s presence in the territory of the EU would be responsible for dealing with any asylum claim.  The Treaty of Amsterdam called for a replacement mechanism to determine responsibility for asylum applicants within the EU.   Council Regulation(EC)  No 343/2003 “Dublin II Regulation” was adopted on 18 February 2003 and came into force on 1 September 2003 for EU member states subject to some transitional provosions.  Like the Dublin Convention, the Dublin Regulation established a set of hierarchical criteria for determining the EU Member States responsible for examining an asylum application lodged in one of the Member states by  third country nationals.

The Dublin Regulation was recast and entered into force on 19 July 2013 as Regulation No. 604/2013 or Dublin III, bringing  in the Common European Asylum System and applies  to applications for international protection lodged as from 1 Janaury 2014.  The recast Dublin Regulation establishes a hierarchy of criteria for identifying  the Member State responsible for  the examination of an asylum claim in Europe. This is predominantly on the basis of family links followed by responsibility assigned on the basis of the  State through which the asylum seeker first entered or the state responsible for their entry into the territory of the EU Member States, Norway, Iceland, Liechtenstein and Switzerland.  The aim of the regulation is to ensure that one member state is responsible for the examination of an asylum application, to deter multiple claims and to determine as quickly as possible the responsible member state to ensure effective access to an asylum procedure. The recast Dublin Regulation is aimed at increasing the system’s efficiency and ensuring higher standards of protection for asylum seekers falling under the Dublin procedure.

Together with the recast  Dublin Regulation, three other legal instruments constituent the “Dublin System”.  Regulation(EU) No. 603/2013 concerning the establishment of “Eurodac”  for the   comparison of fingerprints  for the effective application of the recast Dublin Regulation and Regulation (EU) No. 118/2014 which amends  Regulation (EU)No. 1560/2003 laying down detailed rules for the application of the recast Dublin Regulation.

Asylum seekers may therefore be returned to the first member state by any other member state of the EU in which asylum seekers subsequently arrive.

SOME CASELAW

It may be thought inconceivable that some signatories to the Dublin Regulation may have processes and systems so difficient that an asylum claimant may seek to resist removal to that first country of entry on the basis that there would be a breach of their human rights in particular Article 3 of the ECHR-prohibition on torture and inhumane and degrading treatment. The European court of Human Rights has considered some such challenges:

M.S.S. v Belgium and Greece( No. 30696/09), 21 January 2011, Grand Chamber Judgement, held:

Regarding in particular the applicant’s transfer from Belgium to Greece, the Court held considering that reports produced by international organisations and bodies all gave similar accounts of the practical difficulties raised by the application of the Dublin system in Greece and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees had warned the Belgian Government about the situation there,  that the Belgian authorities must have been aware of the deficiencies in the asylum procedure in Greece when the expulsion order against the applicant had been issued.  Belgium had initially ordered the expulsion solely on the basis of a tacit agreement by the Greek authorities and had proceeded  with the measure without the Greek authorities having given any  individual guarantee whatsoever when they could easily have  refused the transfer. The Belgian authorities should not simply have assumed that the applicant would be treated in conformity with the Convention standards; they should have have verified how the Greek authorities applied their asylum legislation in practice: but they had not done so. There had therefore been a violation by Belgium of Article 3 of the Convention.  As far as Belgium was considered, the Court further found a violation of Article 13(right to an affective remedy) taken together with Article 3 of the convention because of the lack of an effective remedy against the applicant’s expulsion order.  In respect of Greece, the Court found a violation of Article 13 taken in conjunction with Article 3 of the convention because of the deficiencies in the Greek authorities examination of the applicants asylum application and the risk he faced of being removed directly or indirectly back to his country of origin without any serious examination of the merits of his application and without having had access to an  effective rememdy. As far as Greece was concerned the Court further held that there had been a violation of Article 3 of the Convention both because of the applicant’s detention conditions and because of his living conditions in Greece. Lastly under Article 46 ( binding force and execution of judgement) of the Convention, the Court held that it was incumbent on Greece without delay to proceed with an examination of the merits of the applicants asylum request that met the requirements of the European Convention on human Rights and pending the outcome of that examination to refrain from deporting the applicant.

Tarakhel Switzerland, 4 November 2014, Grand Chamber judgement:

The Court held that there had been a violation of Article 3 of the Convention if the Swiss authorties  were to send the applicants back to Italy under the Dublin Regulation without first having obtained individual guarantees from the Italian authorities that the applicants would be taken charge of in a manner adapted to the age of the children and that the family would be kept together.  The Court found in particular that in view of the current situation regarding the reception system in Italy and in the absence  of the detailed and reliable information concerning the specific facility of designation, the Swiss authorities did not  possess sufficient assurances that if returned to Italy the applicants  would be taken charge of in a manner adapted to the age  of the children. The Court further considered that the applicants  had had available to them an effective remedy in respect of their complaint under Article 3 of the Convention. Accordingly it rejected both their complaint  under Article 13(right to an effective remedy) of the Convention taken in conjunction with Article 3 as manifestly  ill- founded.

CONSIDERATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS

Unless the members  to the Dublin Regulation are able to work within  a system that not only has proper regard to the plight of asylum claimants and also achieves a fair distribution of these claims, then regrettabley  currently the real beneficiries  are the  people smugglers/traffickers who are enabling massive movement from one place to another.  Protection-seeking claimants are suffering upon arrival in Europe despite the current applicability of the Regulation. They might  not still be facing blatant ammunition attack  as previously experienced  in their countries of origin however claimants for example  from Afghanistan, Syria, Somalia and Eritrea are arriving to destitution, detention, labelling as mere economic  migrants and frankly being met by  a  very cold and unwelcome European reception.

If in essence  the first member state where fingerprints are stored or an asylum claim is lodged is responsible for a person’s asylum claim, where  member states are able to prevent asylum claimants crossing into  their orders in the first place  as is currently happening, then surely the question that is left to be addressed and practical solutions found  is whether the member states concerned are by-psssing the effect of the Dublin Regulation by blocking entry  thus rendering the  usefulness and effectiveness of the Regulation redundant?

Apata v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2015] EWHC 888 (Admin); Even involvement in much publicized same sex relationships not enough to raise membership of a particular social group

The Claimant’s case was commenced on 24 January 2013 as a public law challenge  to the merits of the Secretary of State’s decision served on 8 January 2013 to remove the Claimant from the UK. The challenge also took the form of a human rights challenge against the decision to remove and a claim to refugee status. The Claimant put forward that she was a lesbian and as such was a member of a particular social group and  that it would breach her human rights to return her to Nigeria. Alternatively  she argued that she would be perceived to be a lesbian with  the same consequences. It was noted by the Court that there had been extensive media interest in the Claimant’s case and it was stated in this regards that a minor search for the Claimant showed that she was a lesbian and thereby this would place her at risk in Nigeria. The Claimant also submitted that the state of her mental health was such that   removal to Nigeria would also breach her human rights.

The relevant facts of the Claimants case (which also weighed heavily against) her in her appeal within the Tribunal and in her current challenge were that;

The Claimant arrived in the UK in 2004 using a false passport and her residence since then has been unlawful. Whilst in the UK she obtained a forged passport with a forged indefinite leave stamp and a false national insurance card. She also at some point obtained a forged UK driving license. In 2008 she applied for an EEA residence card. On 29 January 2009  she was sentenced to 6months imprisonment. She was imprisoned again on 23 June 2011 for 8months. The claimant’s two applications for asylum were dismissed respectfully in 2004  and 2012 and were not renewed. The Secretary  of State made deportation orders  on 22 November 2011 and on 28 June 2012. The Claimant appealed the deportation decision. The appeal was dismissed by the Tribunal. The Tribunal  concluded during her appeal that  there was a change of imagery entirely due to a false claim of lesbian sexuality. She was noted to have engaged in long term relationships with men. The Tribunal stated that the Claimant had “created layer upon layer of deceipt and lies”. The Tribunal did not accept that the Claimant was lesbian. The Claimant applied for permission to appeal to the Upper Tier Tribunal but withdrew her appeal as she stated she wished to leave the UK.

During the public law proceedings the Claimant therefore sought to overturn the deportation order and argued that the evidence since the Tribunal’s determination was such as to amount to further material for the purposes of there being a fresh claim under Paragraph 353 of the Immigration Rules.

The Secretary of State raised no issue about the mistreatment of lesbians’ in Nigeria. The Nigerian legislature  was stated to have brought in laws to criminalise gay and lesbian relationships with harsh imprisonment for those that are convicted. The Secretary of State accepted that the Claimant had had some same sex relationships but argued among other issues that the Claimant did not belong to a particular social group of “lesbians’ and was not entitled to refugee protection. The Secretary of State considered that the relationships had been manufactured or exaggerated for the purposes of her remaining in the UK. It was also noted that the Claimant had two children. The Secretary of State emphasized that the First Tier Tribunal’s determination had not been appealed and was binding upon the Court.

Although the Court accepted that the findings of the First Tier Tribunal were binding as to the position as to membership of a particular social group and other matters at the relevant time of that finding the Court considered the matter at the time of the hearing and in light of the further evidence presented before the Court including DVD’s of the Claimant engaging in lesbian sexual activity. The Court however decided that there was nothing irrational, perverse or wrong in law in the Secretary of State’s decision given the findings of the First Tier Tribunal. The Court did not accept that the Claimant could not be a member of the particular social group of lesbians because she had had children or heterosexual relationships. It was stated by the Court that sexuality or consciousness of sexuality may alter over tine and a person may  realise that sexuality at different times. The Court did accept that the Claimant had had same sex sexual relationships but did not accept that this in itself rendered her a member of a particular social group. The Court agreed with the Tribunal’s conclusions that the Claimant had fabricated the claim based on lesbian sexuality. The Court also accepted the Secretary of State’s submissions that the Claimant had adjusted her conduct so as to adopt other customs, dress and mores of a particular social group purely as a way of gaining refugee status. It was also found against the Claimant that she had been willing to return to Nigeria at a time when she was said to be lesbian. It was considered that the Claimant did not have a well founded fear of persecution and also that if she returned to Nigeria she would not have lesbian relationships nor be perceived as lesbian.

As regards the Claimant’s publicised campaigning work in the UK, the Court also did not consider that this point had been pleaded in the Updated Grounds and in any event did not think that if it were there was evidence to the necessary high standard that she would suffer persecution on that ground.

As regards the medical condition issues raised by the Claimant, that part of her claim failed in light of the high threshold needed to be reached before the Claimant could succeed.

The Court concluded that the substance of the material had already been considered by the Secretary of State   and taken together with the previously considered material did not create a realistic prospect of success.

CONSIDERATIONS

Although the Claimant’s immigration history and conduct in the UK was the subject of much criticism, it is likely that the Court’s judgement has left the Claimant in a position whereby  she would indeed be at risk on return to Nigeria. She has not been afforded anonymity within the judgement. She has been noted within the judgement to have engaged in gay relationships by reference to DVD evidence.

It appears not to be in dispute that those accepted to be gay and therefore not expected to be discreet as regards their sexuality on return to Nigeria would be at risk of persecution, yet the Court does not place much weight to the fact that the Claimant ‘s accepted publicised campaigning would in effect result in her having an “imputed sexuality” against  her on return to Nigeria. The Court referred in its judgement to a Human Rights Watch report which clarified that new legislation could lead to imprisonment solely for a person’s actual or imputed sexual orientation. Where the Claimant could be at risk on return  on account of an “imputed sexuality” then she could arguably fall into a particular social group. Where found to fall into a particular social group then issues on risk on return would also come into play and having regard to the publicised nature of her claim it can most likely  be said that the option of internal relocation would not be available to her and neither would she obtain police protection.

With the Secretary of State, the Tribunal and Court accepting that the Claimant had engaged in same sex relationships, the Court in their judgement does  not appear to have provided a reasoned basis in law as to why she would not fall into a particular social group. The contention against her having regard to the Secretary of State and Court’s view was that those relationships were not ” genuine” however the Court had noted persecution of gay people in Nigeria had worsened  over the period since the Tribunal’s decision and as such having regard to the particular circumstance of the Claimant  as publicised, the fact of those relationships being genuine or not would  not obviate the real risk that she may be persecuted on return to Nigeria. The Nigerians authorities and public may lay emphasis to the fact of submission of the publicised DVD evidence to give rise for reason to persecute or ill-treat the Claimant on return.

It is currently understood that permission has been granted to proceed to the Court of Appeal and as such it is  awaited what decision and basis of reasoning that  Court will reach in this case.